Saturday, January 6, 2018

CAMEROON: A CAMOUFLAGE DEMOCRACY



 The political parties themselves must reform and manage themselves in a democratic fashion so that they will be able to produce democratic, resilient, focused and patriotic leaders, who shall in turn lift this
By Wilson Ngoh
Attorney at Law
nation beyond the moment
         *******************


Since the dawn of modern society, the basic responsibilities of government have been to ensure security of lives and property of its citizens, safeguarding the country’s territorial integrity, stability of the polity, to improve the economic and social wellbeing of its people. With this consciousness, those who control the levers of power and saddle with the duty of running the affairs of the country are burden with the not-so-easy task of formulating a political system and that of building institutions that they would consequently leverage upon in achieving their political agenda for the people, since every government comes to power with a clear-cut agenda. There are two operative words here for emphasis, political systems and the people that run they political systems.
The political system is the platform by which government formulate, articulate, convey and execute their political agenda. It is a recognized process for allocating valuable resources to the various sections of the country. It is the political system that engenders the institutional framework of the country. The type, nature and the functioning of the institutions are political sign posts of the type of system in operation. But systems don’t operate in vacuum. You need people (politicians) to drive the political process; the politicians form political parties that control government. The politicians are those that animate the political system and drive policies. For every system to work in an effective, efficient and sustainable manner, it must be ideologically grounded and driven by statemen who are patriotic and visionary. Both elements of political systems, institutions and government must synchronize and work in tandem to achieve ultimate result. The best political system will fail obviously without the right political minds because it is great minds that build great nations. Many others have articulated this thought before now. The right Rev Dr. Nyansako-Ni Nku- Moderator Emeritus PCC in his FOREWORD to Nfon V.E Mukete’s “MY ODYSSEY Cameroon Reunification Story said, “what makes societies great is the illustrious citizens they produce who lift them up beyond the moment.”  Conquered power is difficult to sustain and maintain. Every government or system holds its success or failure to the caliber of people driving the political agenda. History is inundated with example of great minds making remarkable break through and lifting their societies beyond the moment irrespective of the political system. I’m not so much a fan of systems than the people driving it. Systems don’t make country great, but people do.
President Mao Ste Tung, was a principal Chinese Marxist theorist, who laid the foundational building blocks that transformed China’s economy from an agrarian to an industrial economy, modernizing china and building it into a world power, improving education and health care as well as increasing life expectancy under an autocratic authoritarian communist regime. The USA pride itself today as the world’s leading democracy, world’s greatest economy, world’s strongest military because of visionary leaders like George Washington, Abraham Lincoln, Roosevelt, J.F Kennedy, Bill Clinton, Obama Barrack etc, etc.  Ayatollah Khomeini, an Iranian cleric leader, through theocracy was able to gather and inspire a downcast people and give them a vision despite squeezing international sanctions that has been able to push their technology and science to such a point that Israel feels threatened by their growing military and might of their missiles program. Examples abound of leadership taking their countries beyond the moment. Leadership most be forward-looking because no matter the system the masses desire better living conditions.
                     What System Does Cameroon Operate under?
As political dynamics is constantly changing, and political systems are contesting and contending, one is tempted to ask the question of what type of system is operating in Cameroon? A microscopic analysis of the political realities in Cameroon would lead one to the conclusion that Cameroon, like many Africa countries, is in constant search of a political system or model that would position her as a global player in politics, economic and diplomacy. Our inability to evolve a political system based on vision whether it is foreign-inspired or indigenously-rooted tailored to guarantee economic and political emancipation and transform the country from third to first world is the bane of our under development. We mimic the west in nomenclatures; we toy with this golden word democracy but fail to apply the concept, spirit and principles behind that system. I need to reiterate that our brokenness or backwardness is not because of the system we operate under, but it is because of a complete lack of leadership. For every political system to succeed must be ideologically-grounded and driven by strong leaders (should not to be confronted with a brute dictatorship) with vision, resilience and conviction.
A cursory perusal of the Cameroon constitution law No 2008/00/ of April 14, 2008 to amend and supplement some provisions of Law No 96/6/ of January 18, 1996 leaves no one in doubt that Cameroon is a democracy. It is stated in black and white in Article 1 sub 3 inter-alia that, ‘Cameroon is ……….secular, democratic and dedicated to social services, it shall recognize and protect traditional values that conform to democratic principles, human rights and the law, it shall ensure the equality of all citizens before the law. It goes without saying that Cameroon shall respect and uphold all the traditional principles of democracy. These democratic principles are the keys to any democracy worthy of its name. The people are paramount and sovereign, whether it is the America Presidential system, or the French Semi-Presidential system or the British Parliamentary system, the people are central. The principle of separation of power operates freely and effectively and the different arms of government functions at the same level, independent of each other guaranteeing checks and balances. A free and independent judiciary and legislative bodies is at the cornerstone of every democracy.

                  The Problem with Cameroon Democracy
For all intent and purpose, it is extremely hard to ascertain the form of system that Cameroon operates under. The power that be saved every known democratic form into one in a bid to confuse the populace. Our democracy has the semblance of the American Presidential System, only that the presidential ticket is not a joint with the Vice President. Then it has some element of the French Presidential System just that in this case, the President appoints the Prime Minister and all the ministers (the appellation head of government attributed to the Prime Minister) is only on paper with absolutely no power. The Prime Minister is like a penguin, a bird with wings which cannot be used to fly. We practice democracy superficially but in substance and reality it is a bottom line dictatorship. This is easy to dissent. For democracy to thrive there are critical elements that must come to play. There is no perfect democracy as enunciated by William Churchill, “no one pretends that democracy is perfect or all wise; indeed, it has been said that democracy is the worst form of government except all those other forms that have been tried.” Certainly, we can have a thriving and healthy democracy; but for this to happen, there must exist within that democratic system the following:
1.   Democrats
2.   Democratic institutions and
3.   Democratic parties in the real meaning of the word.
It is my belief that these three critical elements are missing in our body polity.
Lack of Democrats.
This is not a blanket statement to wrap all Cameroonians into one undesirable and undemocratic robe. This writer knows that within Cameroon there are people who fit the description of true democrats, but equally this assertion is true to the extent that it seeks to put the government or ruling class in focus. There can be no democracy without democratic minds. Leadership is at best when it lives by example. If it practices what it preaches? The leaders must be patriotic enough to believe in the system and institutions they project. Fidel Castro was a typical example of a leader who believed in the system he fought and died for. As a fervent Marxist, coming from a wealthy background, his father was a sugarcane plantation owner. During the Cuban revolution Castro was the first to seize his family land and redistributed it to the landless peasants.  
 Democracy calls for respect for due process, rule of law, human rights, and equality before the law. Democratic leaders should be more than be prepared to respect and uphold these principles. Democracy is not just a concept but a way of life-once a leader is elected, he must go above and beyond, to provide quality leadership to all citizens irrespective of their political preferences. A democrat must be close to the people and have listening ears all over his/her governing territory. A democrat must not confiscate power and must freely give up the reins of power once his ideas and policies no longer resonate with the people. A democrat must learn to ‘debate not debase, convince not connive, persuade not perverse’ according to Colonel Ojukwe Odumegwe in his book titled, Because I’m Involved. It is easy to question whether our beloved President, Paul Biya, upholds these qualities. The answer is blowing in the wind. We have a president purportedly a democrat but with the reflexes and instincts of a dictator.  He does not show sympathy and empathy to the masses, the national disasters of Lake Nyos, Nsan fire and the Eseka train are marked testimonies of his lack of leadership. These national disasters offered him the opportunity to show solidarity, love, connect and share the people’s pain but he blew it up. He did not pay a single courtesy visit to the victims of these disasters and lack of empathy defiles common sense even to the vilest dictator. A Democrat must always communicate in the most decent and inspiring manner with the people. Dialogue must be initiated and pursued to diffuse national crisis. Conversely, our government officials oftentimes communicate badly, provocatively, and they fail to understand that effective communication requires skills and practice, it takes everything in to account, your dressing your tone, mannerism and facial expression or body language at the time of making that communication.
                             Lack of Democratic Institutions.
Nothing underpins democracy than democratic institutions. President Biya is a product of a One-Party State with inherited institutions that were undemocratic. When Biya made his camouflage transition from dictatorship to democracy, the repressive and undemocratic institutions prevalent at the time were maintained and even those that needed to be reformed and upgraded to conform with new democratic dispensations were never transformed. It becomes a matter of putting new wine in an old wine bottle. It is important to comparatively look at how some key institutions operated under President Ahidjo and how they operate under President Biya now.
During President Ahidjo’s reign, the BMM acted as a repressive force to entrap political opponents of the regime real or imagine maintaining Ahidjo’s grip on power through fear, intimidation, killings, false charges and imprisonment. There is no or little different to SED under president Biya
The prisons are still Chambers of Torture instead of reformation or correctional centers. These facilities are meant to break down political opponents’ will and morals. In a good democracy, like that depicted by John Howard in 1777 in which he said, “prisons are not meant for imprisonment alone, rehabilitation of the convict should be considered the primary function.” To better understand torturous Ahidjo or Biya’s prisons are, I urge readers to read “Prisoner without a Crime” by Albert Mukong and Prison Graduate co-authored by Boh Harbent and Ntem-Fa-O fege. Both books paint gory pictures of prison experience in Cameroon. The former under President Ahidjo and the later under President Biya who claims to have embraced the principles of democracy.
Our police force and gendarmerie have not changed much in terms of investigating and maintaining peace and order. They still use the primitive method to brutalize and intimidate citizens as instructed by presidents who ought to have embraced democratic principles. Their training and formation as far as the respect of individual and human right leaves much to be desired. And as if this were not enough, in 2015 the police as well as the judiciary were indicted as the most corrupt institutions in Cameroon by Transparency International.
The SDOs and DOs and Government Delegates are another example of undemocratic failed institutions that we must get rid of, urgently. They are a burden and act as a drain on the economy. They have no place in modern democracy.
The National Assembly was used to rubber-stamp all what President Ahidjo sent to the house and the same is obtainable under President Biya who is supposed to be an enlightened democrat. The most democratic of all the institutions, the assembly, is to be closer to the people, articulate the people’s grievances, check and curtail the excesses of the executive. Rather, the House of Debate has become the House for the Deaf and Dumb. Our parliamentarians are shockingly deaf to the cries and aspirations of the people and dumb to voice out the pains of the people. They swallow, and pass bills sent by the executive in wanton disregard. Something unheard of in a democracy. Not much different in the days of President Ahidjo.
The judiciary that is supposed to be the last hope for the common man is in dire need of hope itself. The judiciary is tied to the apron strings of the executive and are only willing to do the bidding of the executive. The inability of the judiciary to dispense justice on the bases of fairness, equity, and to break loose from the executive branch of government, is a call for grave concern. To end, I will like to cite a dropping statement made by justice Ayah Paul in one of his many interviews. ‘The judges have failed to embrace the Principle of Separation of Power.” It is a simple but powerful statement, which underlines the corrupt nature of our judiciary.
                        The Lack of Internal Democracy
  The practice of internal democracy within the political parties themselves act as a lubricant to the democratic machinery. Unfortunately, this is far from being the case in our country. The process of producing party officers and candidates for elective positions are highly doctored and controlled by party hierarchy, who at the end trample and abuse the democratic rights of militants of the party. In a thriving democracy the people own the process and decide who is voted in or out of power on a level plain ground. Candidates can test their popularity in a free and fair contest. But in the Cameroon ‘Democratic’ System the major political parties are organized and run like personal organizations of their founders. A simple fact to note is that their founders are at the same time chairmen and always presidential candidates. This is something unheard of and it does not argue well for vibrant democracy, which must encourage fair competition of ideas to produce the best leaders to run the affairs of the party or the nation. The CPDM and SDF are good case studies to elucidate the will analysis.
The C.P.D.M party stands out as a glaring example of an undemocratic party running a supposed democracy. To fully postulate this point, one does not need to go further than to look at the executives of the party. The Secretary General, Treasurer, Publicity Secretary, Educational Secretary, Members of Central Committee and Political Bureau Members are all appointed. Elections are only a mirage to give some democratic legitimacy. President Biya is the undisputable Chairman of the CPDM. That position is not up for contest, nothing can depict the undemocratic nature of CPDM like the statement often use by party stewards, that the president is the Natural Candidates of the party consequently, the CPDM is controlled and managed by people who are handpicked by authority, people who have never been tested or proven by the ballot box to be good leaders, people who were not known by the rank and file militants prior to their appointments to those high positions. These are the people, who will unfortunately end up bossing militants’ choice. What a mockery! The organs of the party are often mysterious to the ordinary militants.
The SDF, arguable the leading opposition party in Cameroon, still headed by the fire-brand leader Ni John Fru from inception, is also guilty of imposing candidates on militants and thereby exhibiting a dictatorial tendency. It has been opined by many that article 8.2 of the constitution of the party is meant to axe opponents of Chairman Ni John Fru, discouraging criticism of him and it helps to maintain the Chairman’s grip of the party in perpetuity. The fact that within a space of twenty years more than four Secretary Generals have resigned citing threats, intimidations and dictatorial tendencies of the chairman speaks volume of the lack of internal democracy.                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                                             
   In conclusion, I have been able to show that the elements of democracy, of democratic institutions and internal democracy are primordial in advancing our budding democratic journey. For us to make progress in our democratic journey, we must look inward and ask the tough questions and make tough decisions. We must start reforming our institutions to meet democratic standards. The political parties themselves must reform and manage themselves in a democratic fashion so that they will be able to produce democratic, resilient, focused and patriotic leaders, who shall in turn lift this nation beyond the moment. If not, they will continue to wander like clueless and pointless leaders sailing ships which could be blown away by the rising tides, undetected.

Friday, January 5, 2018

Cameroon: Meet and Greet the New Teacher of G.H.S Dikome Balue


ByJackson W. Nanje
In our collective efforts to ameliorate the increasingly deplorable results of the General Certificate of Education (G.C.E) examination of Government High School Dikome Balue, which is a feeder school for fourteen (14) other villages in the Dikome Balue district, the leadership of DIDECO International, Inc. is beginning to address some of these ailing problems. For over ten (10) years now, the G.C.E results, which used to command an 80% and above has been on a steady decline. The responsibility to address these daunting issues rests squarely at the feet of the government of Cameroon and sadly enough, while the government has been extremely slow at addressing these problems, DIDECO International can no longer fold its arms.
A few years ago, DIDECO International conducted a feasibility studies to determine the needs of our local schools. The study identified a bundle of issues: inadequate classrooms, lack of a library with locally prescribed books, acute shortage of teachers, lack of a science laboratory, lack of a motorable road, absence of a computer laboratory, a healthy environment for learning etc, etc. It is therefore from these identified lists of inadequacies that individuals, donors, DIDECO International and DIDECO Cameroon are addressing the issues.
Ms Besingi
It is important to bear in mind that DIDECO International, Inc. is a not-for-profit tax-free organization; therefore, donations of any kind are tax deductible. We are therefore requesting friends of our organization to donate towards our cause. It is on this note that we announce one such donations this year to our organization. Meet and greet our new teacher---Ms. Jamaine Nde Besingi.
Ms. Jamaine Besingi
Ms. Besingi is the new teacher contracted with DIDECO International from January to December of 2018, to teach in G.H.S Dikome Balue. She’s a holder of a French equivalent of a Master’s degree in English Common Law from University of Yaoundé at Soa. She hails from Ikoti Ngolo in Ndian division. She completed her Primary education from Catholic School Mundemba and her Secondary education at G.B.H.S Mundemba. She later switched city to Kumba to attend Global Bilingual High School where she completed her Advanced Level studies. She’s academically qualified to teach in our schools and we are truly grateful to her for accepting our offer. We are hoping that our Dikome people, known for their hospitality, shall extend that warmth to her. We are equally expecting that she will find the place welcoming to the point where she might extend her contract for another year.
Ms Besingi
She recently had an interview with the principal of G.H.S Dikome Balue in Kumba and we were told that she will be teaching History and Literature. She will teach Forms 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7. That is Lower and Upper cycles. Isn’t that nice? It is our hope that many more donors can take the initiative to sponsor teachers who can go teach in our local schools and by so doing, we must have addressed the problem of teacher shortage. Again, it is tax deductible.  

Leave your comments to Ms. Besingi on the comment area of the blog below. She will deeply appreciate it to see that you people care very much for individuals like her who volunteer to serve humanity.

Monday, December 25, 2017

Cameroon: Chinese Construction of a New National Assembly. What the Public needs to know


The Newly-designed (by the Chinese gov't) Cameroon National Assembly



By Jackson W. Nanje
The new Cameroon National Assembly building project shall be in Cameroon’s capital city of Yaoundé. The building has been designated in a construction site area of ​​about 44,000 square meters, with a total construction area of ​​37,500 square meters. The main contents of the project include eight (8) major functions: main office building, semicircular conference hall, subsidiary room of the conference hall, celebration hall, fire guard building, guard room, equipment room and underground garage. The diagram above was designed by the 6th Central Committee of the Chinese People's Liberation Army that won the bid to design and build the Legislative House. Rumor even has it that the contemporary design was already being circulated even before the building got burnt. Hmmn! The question that looms in the minds of many Cameroonians is, whether there are no Cameroonian-born architects who could have won the bid, design and supervise the construction of the new House of Parliament?
Even though China has been investing significantly in much of Africa’s economy, for instance, its $166billion in trade in 2011, we urge African leaders to take a cautious-approach and should not be lust in China’s largesse. The American-Soviet Union debacle (described below) should serve as an eye-opener to African leaders who are not sophisticated enough, technologically, to put an eye on the prize as they receive unsolicited donations from China. The African Union headquarters in Addis, Ethiopia, which costs $200million was a free donation from China to Africa. But at what expense? The Chinese company that constructed the House of Parliament in Zimbabwe is the same company that has won the contract to build the recently burnt down Cameroon National Assembly. A Chinese company equally built the Gabonese House of Assembly in 2002. One of the strategic plans for the Chinese government is to win contracts and to build decision-making houses in the African continent. That is why the bid-winning company and the Chinese government celebrated when they won another contract to build the Cameroon House of Assembly right after completing the Zimbabwean House of Assembly. Why is the Chinese government celebrating for winning a bid which adds very little to their Gross National Product? It should be part of their strategy to engulf Africa’s economy and polity in their national strategic plan.
 This is how they reported the news: The “the project supporting Cameroon's National Assembly is an important project for the Chinese government to implement President Xi Jinping's proposal on the ‘Top Ten Cooperation Programs’ with Africa.” Just what is it that the Chinese government is excited about? I am not by this document suggesting that there’s something fishy in the Chinese strategic plan of winning the contracts to construct the legislative houses of some African countries and that of the African continent; however, let us look at the dilemma the United States was confronted with when the let the then Soviet Union (now Russia), construct their embassy in Moscow.
It was in 1969 that the United States government under President Richard Nixon signed an agreement with the Soviet Union to build embassies in both Moscow and Washington D.C. The American project was to be the “most elaborate and expensive United States embassy ever, a testament to American wealth and power.” Today, that embassy which the United States spent a lot of money to build has been abandoned because of the number of spying bugs which the Soviet Union-hired workers buried all over the building undetected by the Americans. These Soviet-planted bugs enabled useful communication emanating from staffs in the newly-constructed United States embassy to be intercepted by Soviet Union and, they acted on it without the knowledge of the United States. It has been widely reported that, over the years, the United States has spent $23 million on the building, but more than twice that amount to figure out how the Soviets used snooping devices to transform it into a giant antenna capable of transmitting written and verbal communications to the outside. But today, the eight-story American chancery in Moscow stands useless, infested with spying systems planted by Soviet construction workers, a stark monument to one of the most embarrassing failures of American diplomacy and intelligence in decades.
In 1884, the European invaded Africa in what was known as the Scramble for Africa. The French, particularly, have been vastly unpopular in all the twenty (20) French colonies throughout Africa. The Chinese have studied the good, the bad and the ugly of European colonization and rule in the African continent and are perfecting their interventionist strategies with modification. Currently, cyber security is a big issue in the world and Africa cannot afford to come from behind again like it has, in the past. This is the reason why they should accept China’s high-mindedness with terms and conditions for their own protection.
It is easy for Cameroon’s not-so-technologically savvy politicians, most of whom are born before the digital age or are consumed with old age, to accept the gift by the Chinese and be lust in the architectural design of the new Cameroon National Assembly and ignore the potential bait of spying bugs being planted by the Chinese construction company during time of construction to help China tap into legislative discussions with the help of “planted bugs.” To avoid such potential hazard, the construction of the building must be supervised by an ever-present team  of knowledgeable Cameroon architects and the construction materials should be thoroughly inspected to free them of bugs. It is only when these things are done that our country can be saved from an intrusive Chinese grip on our economy and polity, which would be more dangerous than the European design to Scramble for Africa.




Tuesday, December 19, 2017

One, United and Indivisible Cameroon: Beyond Language -two different nations, two distinct histories

The ongoing genocide in Southern Cameroons has dealt a devastating blow to any claim by those
propagating the big, fat lie that Cameroon is one, united and indivisible.

By Ekinneh Agbaw-Ebai*

The regime in Yaoundé has totally lost the force of argument. Its blind use of the argument of force; the only option left for it, will fail because violence has never successfully prevented a people yearning for freedom from achieving it. It is important to remind French Cameroun politicians who hardly draw lessons from history that Cameroon was a union of two distinct nations involving two different peoples with two different histories and political culture, beyond French and English languages. Great efforts were made by East and West Cameroon to develop their resources and use same to better the lot of their people, as there was a sense of healthy competition among the two federating states. It is just enough to say that by unilaterally abrogating the federation in 1972, Ahidjo snatched defeat from the jaws of victory and Cameroon’s manifest rendezvous with glory was halted. This was probably the most wicked act ever perpetrated against Southern Cameroons and current efforts to defend this anomaly only gives a bad name to democracy as a government of the people; for the people and by the people.

After unification in 1961, French Cameroun and Southern Cameroons were developing at their own pace, under a federal system of government and the two nations were never one and indivisible. That French Cameroun lacked the main foundation of nationhood owing to the absence of a sense of belonging to one entity, as tribal loyalty competed with national cohesion, is a fact that contrasts markedly with the political maturity in Southern Cameroons. No one can dispute the abysmal level of understanding of French Cameroun politicians when it comes to the majesty of democracy. No one should be surprised, therefore, at their lack of sophistication in its practice. The French Cameroun political class has shown an impetuous proclivity to foster a recruitment process that allows the worst to access public offices. Politics in French Cameroun was so much debased that electoral competition was an odious rat race or an all-comers affair of tribal jingoists, political hangers-on and sundry jobbers, all lacking in the requisite knowledge for leadership and governance.

Unlike Southern Cameroon, primordial sentiments animated French Cameroun politics. In the 1956 elections into the French Cameroun parliament, Ahidjo’s UC party which won the majority was a loose amalgam of contending tribal interests comprising - Union de Diamare (Jean Akassou, Maigari Bello, Yaya Daicro, Kakiang Wappi, Mohamadou Ousmanou, Yerima Daicro, Ninine Jules and Guyard Joseph); Union de Bamoun, (Arouna Njoya and Seidou Njimoulouh Njoya); Union de Defense des Interests de la Benoue(Ahidjo, Babale Ousmanou, Buhari Bouba, Haman Aboubakari, Hadji Mohaman, Rene Tagrand); Defense des Interests de Logone et Chari (Garba Gueime, Sultan Marouf Youssouf); Union de L’Adamawa (Alfred Mandon, Nana Djafarou, Adamu Iyawa, Sekou Cheick); Defense des Interests de Margui-Wandala (Talba Malla, Haman Adama, Bobo Souaibo, Lamine Yerima, Andoulaye Yero, Amaoua Abdoulaye.

Andre-Marie Mbida’s party platform was basically a coalition of tribal groups which elected Gaston Medou & Ebo Ndoundoumou (Action Paysanne de Dja et Lobo); Marigoh Mboua, Ndibo Mbarsola (Defense des Interests de Lom et Kadei); Pierre Yinda, Yakana Jacques (Union Social pour la Lumiere, le Progres et Fraternite du Mbam); Jean-Baptiste Mabaya, Pierre Ninekam (Independante pour la Defense des Interests du Pays du Haut-Nkam). Also elected were Chief Djoumessi Mathias, Marcel Lagarde (Défense des Interests Bamiléké in Dschang ; Etienne Djuatio, Imatha Jean (Defense des Interests de Mbouda); Kamga Joseph, Pierre Ngayewang, Samuel Wanko (Union et Progress Bamileke in Bafoussam); Ekwabi Ewane, Gaston Behle (Auctotones des Moungo); Charles Assale, Francois Obam (Union Nationale in Ntem Valley) and Betote Akwa, Soppo Priso in Wouri. Needless to say there was no political party in Southern Cameroons, created to specifically articulate and defend tribal or sectional interests.

Besides, while French Camerounians were electing Frenchmen to represent them in parliament, the March 1957 elections into the SCHA produced a constellation of candidates representing the different political parties which served as platforms for nation-building ideas and a breeding ground for leadership and policy articulation. There was a robust opposition which was the motor-force of democracy. In Victoria Division, Dr. EML Endeley (KNC) and PM Motomby-Wolete (KPP) were elected. NN Mbile (KPP) and FN Ajebe Sone (KNC) were elected in Kumba; Ambrose Fonge (KNDP) and SA Arrey (KNC) emerged from Mamfe. In Bamenda Division, ST Muna (KNC), VT Lainjo (KNC) and JN Foncha (KNDP) were elected; in Wum, two KNDP stalwarts, AN Jua and P Mua were elected; in Nkambe, Ando-Seh (KNC) and P Nsakwa (KNDP) were elected. Five of the six elected NA members were KNC – JM Mukambi (Kba), TC Lekunze (Mfe), HD Tankoh Tah (Bda), JE Kum (Wum) and W Nformi (Nkambe). John Manga-Williams (Victoria) was an Independent. Power alternation was one of the cornerstones of Southern Cameroons democracy because of the presence of a strong opposition with a distinct ideology and policy to the governing party.

Such a vibrant opposition was nonexistent in French Cameroun. For example, in the April 1960 elections into ALCAM, there were no competitions for the 44 seats in the North where Ahidjo’s UC party held sway. Once Ahidjo with the support of Aujoulat took over the UC leadership from Ninine Jules, his strategy was to cripple the opposition. By 1963, Ahidjo had virtually stifled all political parties and there was just one party in French Cameroun. In a streak of authoritarian madness, Ahidjo then undertook an insidious lynching of West Cameroon democracy in 1966 when all political parties were disbanded to form the CNU. The Federal Republic of Cameroon officially became a one-party state. Going forward, power, money and vanity became instruments of statecraft in the hands of CNU barons.

In addition, the Southern Cameroons civil service was very apolitical. Cabinet Secretaries were career politicians but the bureaucracy was run by Permanent Secretaries, who were not allowed to participate in politics. This tradition was maintained after unification as PJ Alpress, Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Natural Resources was appointed Chief Electoral Officer for the first post-independence election under the federated state of West Cameroon in December 1961. The reverse was true in French Cameroon where at independence in I960, a civil servant, Ahmadou Ahidjo, was handpicked by the French to become head of state. The tribalism, impunity, nepotism, abusive patronage and notorious corruption that is the official currency of governance in Cameroon today had its roots deeply embedded in the political culture of French Cameroun, where political leaders drew their electoral strength from tribal associations like Ngondo (Soppo Priso); Kumze (Chief Djoumessi Mathias); Bassa Mpo’o (Mayi Matip); Efoula Meyong (Charles Assale) and Koupé (Ekwabi Ewane).

And unlike in East Cameroun where traditional rulers were appointed by the colonial government and forced to wear official uniforms with ranks on their epaulets, the West Cameroon House of Chiefs was an integral part of the governance architecture and served as a quasi-upper legislative chamber. It is trite to say that there can be no democracy without democrats. Southern Cameroons having entrenched the democratic culture and ethos, a man could leave office, but the institution stays.  In circumstances such as this, there is usually a predilection to invoke primordial sentiments that are inimical to nation-building. To the ordinary Francophone, government is a profit-making business and political power is a selfish tribal equation, where holders of high public office must cater to the tribe above all else. Southern Cameroonians see high public office as a call to service; whereas to Francophones, a cabinet appointment is an invitation to “come and chop.” It was normal for an incoming Minister in French Cameroun to replace all his top-ranking collaborators with his tribesmen because “it is their turn to chop.” In such situation, the stress to governance and efficient delivery of democracy dividends from sycophancy, indiscipline, corruption and mediocrity cannot be over-emphasized.

Despite the preachments of Francophone politicians about the imperative of a one, united and indivisible Cameroon, the ethnic reactionary politics of self-preservation still pervades their psyche. A very telling situation that was a national embarrassment was when President Biya publicly declared all-out war against Anglophone terrorists. That Biya would descend to such shameless demonization of Anglophones, especially amid the ongoing genocide when the nation is in mourning and sober soul-searching, is the height of insensitivity and sheer dishonor for the dead and brutalized. In the judgment of an average sense of decency, Biya’s action is a moral weakness of asinine proportion.

In conclusion, a nation can never outgrow the performance of its leader. Such is Cameroon’s tragedy at the moment. The failure of leadership by the President, who by authority is assumed to be the father of the nation, is highly disturbing. If the president views Anglophones with such hatred, does it therefore surprise anyone why some of the president’s henchmen have been beating the drums of war? Given his apathetic refusal to dialogue, Biya wittingly or unwittingly sent a message of disdain and unwelcome to all Anglophones, including those in his cabinet, that they are terrorists, instead of patriotic citizens with a different vision on how the nation should be governed. Biya’s depth of ill feeling towards Anglophones is unhealthy for a nation in distress. He must therefore be told in whatever language he understands that Southern Cameroons and French Cameroon are not one, united and indivisible; never were, and never will be one, united and indivisible! 

*Ekinneh Agbaw-Ebai is a Public Intellectual and graduate of Harvard University John F. Kennedy School of Government, where he was Managing Editor of the Harvard Journal of African-American Public Policy. A former Research Analyst for Freedom House, he is a Consultant and lives in Boston, USA. Talk back at ekinneh@yahoo.com

One, United and Indivisible Cameroon – When Independence is worse than Colonization

No other territory in history has been so exploited and left to gnash its teeth in psychological and
physical agony as Southern Cameroons following its recolonization by French Cameroun.

By Ekinneh Agbaw-Ebai*

From 1953, Southern Cameroons was, to all intents and purposes, a country of its own, with almost all the appurtenances of a nation state, including self-governance, its own police force, parliament, and a senate known as the House of Chiefs. Despite the one, united and indivisible Cameroon hoax, the fact is that French Cameroun was a different country which gained independence from France on January 1, 1960 (as Republic of Cameroun) with international borders that did not include Southern Cameroons; which gained independence after a UN referendum on February 11, 1961. Even after the independent Southern Cameroons state joined French Cameroun in a two-state federation to form the Federal Republic of Cameroon on October 1, 1961, no Union Treaty was registered with the UN General Assembly secretariat as mandated by Articles 102 and 103 of the UN Charter. Over the past 56 years, the international community has looked the other way while Southern Cameroonians have been denied their independence. Southern Cameroonians have been emasculated to concur in the despoliation of their land by their passive indifference and cold complicity in the face of reckless dissipation of their commonwealth by French Cameroun. For a people that already experienced such high level of self-government under colonial rule, this anomaly makes independence worse than colonialization.

The occupation, annexation and colonial rule of Southern Cameroons by French Cameroun violates Article 4(b) of the African Union Constitutive act. It also violates UN resolutions against colonialism and external domination of other people; and it contravenes Articles 19-24 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Right; and other principles of International Law. In short, it is recolonization, pure and simple. The unilateral abrogation of the two-state Federation by French Cameroun under the subterfuge of the May 20, 1972 referendum was a constitutional coup d’état, which violated Art 47 of the Federal Constitution. The plebiscite votes never made Cameroon one, united and indivisible; nor was it intended to. Even were Southern Cameroons to be an integral part of French Cameroun, any such referendum on abolishing the federation ought to have been an issue solely for the people of Southern Cameroons to decide, since they were the ones who voted to join French Cameroun, in the first instance.

The two Cameroons were never one, because post-German Kamerun, the two territories remained fundamentally different in terms of political evolution and governance. Southern Cameroons evolved a functional parliamentary democracy, whereas French Cameroun was administered as a French overseas territory, and remained tragically stuck as a French neo-colonial outpost even after independence in 1960. From 1953-1961, Southern Cameroons was a vibrant democracy with an electoral system based on direct adult universal suffrage with single-member constituencies. Elections into the Southern Cameroons House of Assembly featured only indigenous parties like KNC, KPP, CPNC and KNDP, which had broad appeal across the six divisions of Victoria, Kumba, Mamfe, Bamenda, Wum and Nkambe.

Unlike Southern Cameroons, the democratic framework in French Cameroun was aligned to France. French men contested elections in French Cameroun and French Cameroun politicians contested elections into the French National Assembly (Assemble de l’Union Francaise (AUF), and the Conseil de la Republique, the French Senate. British parties never contested elections in Southern Cameroons. The opposite was true in French Cameroun where, French political parties like Rassemblement de Gauches, Mouvement Républicain Populaire (MRP), and Section Française de l'Internationale Ouvrière, (SFIO) dominated electoral contests into the French Cameroun parliament – the Assemblée Representative du Cameroun (ARCAM), later transformed to Assemble Territoriale du Cameroun (ATCAM) in 1952.

Until the UPC was created, political parties in French Cameroun like Jeunesse Camerounaise Francaise (JEUCAFRA), Union des Camerounaise Francaise (UNICAFRA) and Association des Colons du Cameroun (ASOCAM) were administrative parties created to defend French interests and all espoused attachment to “Mother France.” When the UPC led by Mayi Matip was banned in 1955, the parties that contested the December 1956 elections in French Cameroun like Ahidjo’s Union Camerounaise (UC), Andre-Marie Mbida’s Partie de Democrates Camerounaise (DC) and Betote Akwa’s Action Nationale (MANC) were more or less satellite tribal groups. In Southern Cameroons, political parties were tribe neutral, but in French Cameroun, every ethnic group had a party. There was even one to defend the interests of Mollatoes; cross-breeds of Franco-Cameroun heritage led by an elected MP, Frenchman, Léon Foulétier.  

In matters of electoral politics, Southern Cameroons was a showroom of political pluralism in its day. Right from the first elections to the Southern Cameroons House of Assembly (SCHA) on October 26, 1953; Simon Enow Ncha, blazed the trail to run as an independent candidate, in Mamfe Division, defeating the two main political party candidates - Martin Forju (KPP) and Chief SA Arrey (KNC). SE Ncha inspired other independent candidates like Solomon Anyeghamoti Ndefru (SAN) Angwafor, now Fon Angwafor III, who defeated DA Nangah (KNDP) and Maximus Chibikom (OK) in the 1961 elections in Upper Ngemba. Ncha also inspired Bernard Tajoh Beja (BTB) Foretia, who ran as an independent and lost the 1961 elections in Mamfe East to the formidable KNDP baron PM Kemcha, whom he eventually replaced in the 1968 Muna government. In Southern Cameroons, nomination of candidates was by two voters in the candidate’s electoral district; people who knew the candidates at the grassroots. Fon Angwafor III was nominated by GP Tuma, a mechanic and David Che, a teacher.

Against this background could be appreciated the fact that in French Cameroun, French men contested elections into French Cameroun Assembly within a dual electoral college system, comprising a French college and a College of indigenes. In the March 1952 elections into ATCAM, the French College elected Emile Victor Albert, Henri Chamaulte, André Duret, PM Chalot, André-Albert Gerberon, André Duru, Antoine Giard, Arthur-Louise Gouelle, Jean Grassard, Joseph Guyard, Henri Paul Journiac, Marcel Lagarde, Pierre Laouilheau, Alfred Mandon, Brieuc Penanhot, Jean-Marie Poileux, Mohamed Koudjali and Pierre Rocaglea. Form the College of indigenes came: Louis-Paul Aujoulat, Ninine Jules, Ahmadou Ahidjo, Jean Akassou, Charles Assale, Abega Martin Atangana, André-Marie Mbida, Paul Soppo Priso, Gaston Medou, André Fouda Omgba, Jean Ekwabi Ewane, Mathias Djoumessi, Dissake Hans, Babale Oumarou, Njine Michel, Arouna Njoya, Seidou Njimoulouh Njoya, Abbe Joseph Antoine Melone, Paul Francois Martin, Jean-Baptiste Mabaya, Etonde Guillaume, Charles Mbakop, Rene Blaise Mindjo, Lara Zoua, Youssouf Marouf, Ahmadou Mahonde, Marcel Marigoh Mboua, Kotouo Pierre, Ousmanou Hamidou, Iyawa Adamou, Chedjou Joseph and Alphonse Woungly-Massaga.

It is interesting to note that French citizens like Louis-Paul Aujoulat contested elections in the college of indigenes. In the view of the average Southern Cameroonian, the presence of Frenchmen in the French Cameroun parliament was a political monstrosity that advertised to the entire world a certain definition of democracy that diminishes the ideal and mocks the primacy of the indigenous people in the process. This anomaly raises fundamental questions about the average Francophone’s definition and perception of public office and explains why they are so lacking in the vital attributes of democratic engagement. In Southern Cameroons, expatriate involvement in the political process was limited to logistics. For example, EL Cox and AJ Cordy served as Chief Electoral Officers in the 1957 and 1959 elections, while AB Westmacott, Resident for Special Duties in Bamenda demarcated the constituencies. In French Cameroun, the colonial administrators picked winners and losers and elections were run by the Interior Minister designated by France. The standing view is that, he who controls the electoral machinery (pays organisateur) determines the outcome. It is a sad commentary on the character of French Cameroun politics and politicians that rigging and other electoral malpractices are deeply embedded in their political culture.

It is a matter for regret, indeed shame that Francophones continue to hee-haw the one, united and indivisible Cameroon fallacy, even as the bonds that bind the two Cameroons appear tenuous, if not snapping. A review of UN General Assembly resolutions and other international legal principles regarding the right to self-determination shows incontrovertibly that Southern Cameroons became independent in 1961, but has since been recolonized and occupied by French Cameroun. The ongoing struggle to restore Southern Cameroons independence is therefore consistent with International Law, including the right to self-determination. The right to separate from French Cameroun is also laid out under Principles VII and VIII of UN General Assembly Resolution 1541 of December 15, 1960. Besides, the obligation imposed by the UN that Southern Cameroons should obtain “independence by joining” either Nigeria or Cameroon violated Article 76(b) of the UN Charter, and UNGA Resolution 1541; both of which reaffirm independence as the inherent and inalienable right of all colonies and Trust Territories.

It all stands to reason that Cameroon was never one, united and indivisible. French Cameroun, in violation of international law, has supplanted the 1961 federation of two equal nations with annexation of Southern Cameroons. The declaration of war on Anglophones removes any pretence that Biya views Southern Cameroons as a conquered and captured people. It is indeed a pity yet again that Biya misread public opinion and chose to stand on the wrong side of history. It is evident the president still doesn’t realize that force has never triumphed over ideology in all of history. A situation where the president declares war against a section of the country, and calls them terrorists, cannot be in the interest of national unity. Such executive lawlessness is a sad manifestation of the rule of force over the rule of law. The audacity of this impunity was a reminder to Southern Cameroonians, if any was needed, that the music has changed to a war song; all Anglophone terrorists must now sing and dance the new song.

 
*Ekinneh Agbaw-Ebai is a Public Intellectual and graduate of Harvard University John F. Kennedy School of Government, where he was Managing Editor of the Harvard Journal of African-American Public Policy. A former Research Analyst for Freedom House, he is a Consultant and lives in Boston, USA. Talk back at ekinneh@yahoo.com

Tuesday, November 28, 2017

One, United and Indivisible Cameroon – The Myth, the Lies and the Truth


From 1884-1916, the Germans signed 95 treaties with various ethnic groups but there is nothing about German Kamerun that made the territory or the people one, united and indivisible.

By Ekinneh Agbaw-Ebai*

Amid increasing pressure for political restructuring in the wake of the ongoing Anglophone crisis, there seems to be a consensus among Francophone government officials and Biya regime apologists to echo what seems to be a new national slogan: “Cameroon is one, united and indivisible” and this unity is non-negotiable. However, despite the ubiquitous grandstanding, anchored on a willful misrepresentation and revisionist interpretation of history, the fact remains that, two distinct entities came together to form the Federal Republic of Cameroon in 1961. After 56 years of failed unification, the one, united and indivisible Cameroon mantra is a mere subterfuge for the parasitic affiliation for survival by French Cameroun on Southern Cameroons resources. The unity of a country is a structure with a foundation. Justice is the foundation of unity, truth go round it. The ongoing Anglophone protests have exposed the truth about Cameroon, as a country erected on a weak foundation of unity. Anglophones therefore have no justifiable reason to continue in the union as presently defined.

All told, the union between the two Cameroons was nothing short of a marriage of convenience between a hesitant couple brought together by political and economic considerations of foreign matchmakers. The one, united and indivisible Cameroon is the tragic story of a country suffering from leadership paralysis, elite rapacity and unenlightened self-interest; and of a people traumatized by the mental and behavioral illogicality of a vampire elite that has captured and taken the nation hostage. Rather than address Anglophone grievances over the national question, the government has been gas-lighting the crisis with its meaningless show of naked power that has claimed hundreds of innocent Anglophones lives and entrenched a bitter acrimony that refuses to leave the national consciousness.

              The Myth and Illusion of German Kamerun (1)

The ridiculous myth of one, united and indivisible Cameroon can be better understood when historical records are considered. To Biya regime apologists, the restoration of Anglophone independence is a political transgression which amounts to secession. But French Cameroun cannot continue to be in denial of the fact that we are two different peoples, with distinct histories and cultures beyond language. It is laughable for Francophones to continue to peddle this fallacy of a united and indivisible Cameroon because even within the contraption called German Kamerun, we were never one people.

Many will deny it, but if one thing unites Francophones of all ethnicities in Cameroon, it is their collective disdain and support for marginalization of Anglophones, whom they see as a conquered and captured people whose resources can be pillaged with impunity. Listen to Francophones and you will hear such self-serving arguments that we are “brothers” and should not allow ourselves to be separated based on “foreign linguistic distinctions” imposed by British and French colonialism. After all, the argument goes, “we were one Kamerun under the Germans.” In theory and practice, it has been demonstrated time without number that this is a big fat lie; a huge fraud perpetrated by Francophones to continue the pauperization of Anglophones and the mindless exploitation of their natural resources. 

To begin with, it stretches credulity to assume that the writ of whatever protectorate treaties the Germans signed with Douala chiefs, was binding on Ambazonia tribes west of River Mungo. We were never one, united and indivisible, and could not have been, because after signing treaties with Douala chiefs, the Germans still had to fight bloody wars to “pacify” the Ambazonia tribes. Once the Germans crossed the Mungo, they met stiff resistance from the Bakweris who were on the frontlines of the resistance to German efforts to appropriate their land to open plantations. Led by King Kuva Likenye of Buea, the “Vakpes” stood up to the Germans during the Battle of Buea in 1891, in which Karl Freiher Gravenreuth was killed. In 1894, the Germans launched a punitive counter-expedition killing over 1200 of the estimated 1500 Buea population. King Kuva fled and later died in exile, and his brother, Chief Endeley signed a peace treaty with the Germans in 1895. This genocide is partly responsible for the now infamous “woman-headed household” syndrome in present day Fako.

In present day Ndian, the Oroko resistance against the Germans was led by Chief Nakeli wa Embele of Ikoi village, who fought running battles with the Germans until 1892 when he was captured and publicly hanged. Even after the Germans opened plantations in Essossong and Tombel in present day Kupe-Mwanenguba, they faced strong resistance led by Chief Nked me Akwe, who refused to honor German compulsion requests for free plantation labor. The Bakossis employed unorthodox methods, including Mwakum; the most powerful Bakossi juju to resist the Germans.

In 1899, a German Lieutenant, Queiss, was killed in battle near Otu by Ejaghams resisting the German advance. In November of that same year, the death of a German trader-recruiter, Conrau in Fontem was blamed on Bangwa people who resisted his efforts to draft plantation laborers. The German Governor in Buea, Jesko Von Puttkamer ordered a punitive expedition against the Bangwas and Ejaghams which led to the 1904 uprising in which Ejagham, Boki, Anyang and other Bayang villages attacked German factories in Bachuo, Badje, Agbokem and Mamfe. The Government Station at Ossidinge and the Customs Post at Nsankang were sacked and five Germans, including the District Officer, Graf Puckler-Limburg were killed. Manyu people fought the Germans to a standstill during what became known as the “Mpaw-mankuh” (Rotten Cocoyams) war, which dragged on as a low intensity conflict, culminating with the defeat of the Germans in Nsanakang in 1916 during World War One. 

The Germans also faced resistance in the Northern zone, where Eugene Zintgraff and German troops, led by Von Pavel were defeated several times during the Bafut Wars from 1891-1907. On January 31, 1891, German forces attacked Mankon - an ally of Bafut as a reprisal for the killing of two messengers Zintgraff sent to Bafut to demand ivory. The town of Mankon was burnt down, but from his military headquarters at Mankaha, Fon Abumbi I directed Bafut warriors who ambushed and inflicted heavy losses on the Germans. Although Abumbi eventually fled to Fernando Po after defeat in 1907, Bafut warriors continued the resistance, forcing the Germans to reinstate Abumbi I and negotiate a peace deal, totally independent from the Douala chiefs. Likewise, after facing stiff resistance from the Balis, Zintgraff signed a treaty in 1891 with Fon Fonyongha and in 1912, agreed to pay him an annual 10% of all head-tax revenue collected from the laborers he sent to work on the German plantations.

The Germano-Kom war of July 1904-Feb, 1905 was the result of the refusal by Fon Yu to supply labor and food for construction of the German military station in Bamenda. In response to a request to give one of his daughters to be the mistress of Lt Herr Adametz, the German station commander, Fon Yu instead sent him a bundle of ashes, which in Kom tradition amounted to an invitation to war. The people of Kom finally signed a treaty of friendship in Anyajua between Fon Yu and Commandant Werner in 1905. Elsewhere, the Ba’atum warriors of Esu also resisted the Germans.

This history proves that although there was a territory geographically delimitated as German Kamerun, the morass of onomastic evidence suggests that it was a loose amalgam of contending interests held to obedience by German military conquests and treaties of friendship with different tribes, completely oblivious and independent of each other. From 1884-1916, the Germans signed 95 treaties with various ethnic groups wherein Kings and Chiefs on both sides of the Mungo River, surrendered sovereignty and administration to the Germans, who established their capitals in Buea and Yaoundé. After defeat in WWI, the whole pernicious enterprise of German Kamerun ended. To aver the contrary is not only disingenuous but moronic.

Besides, the “pacification” of the Anglophone tribes west of the Mungo had nothing in common with whatever arrangements existed between the Germans and Francophone chiefs east of the Mungo River. Therefore the one united and indivisible Cameroon is a myth created under the illusion of German Kamerun. The truth is that Southern Cameroons was first British and was only ceded to Germany after the Berlin Conference of 1884. The ridiculous assertion that Southern Cameroons and French Cameroun were part of German Kamerun; hence ought to remain “united” is laughable because German Kamerun as a political entity was a mere geographical contraption and there is no basis for its reconstitution, either in history or international law, as it included several other territories which are now independent nations.

Furthermore, French Cameroun can only treat Southern Cameroons as part of its territory from the former German Kamerun if it can also treat other territories of that German Kamerun (Chad, Central African Republic, Gabon, and former British Northern Cameroon in present day Nigeria) as part of French Cameroun. Even under German rule that lasted a mere 17 years, Southern Cameroons and French Cameroun were never one people; let alone united and indivisible. Let no one tell you otherwise! The one, united and indivisible Cameroon is a hocus pocus of lies that have been told repeatedly, to the point of gaining national acceptance as the truth. The bad faith and lies about unification by French Cameroun is the subject of the next article in this series. 





*Ekinneh Agbaw-Ebai is a Public Intellectual and graduate of Harvard University John F. Kennedy School of Government, where he was Managing Editor of the Harvard Journal of African-American Public Policy. A former Research Analyst for Freedom House, he is a Consultant and lives in Boston, USA. Talk back at ekinneh@yahoo.com

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