Thursday, February 5, 2015

Cameroon:Traumas of the Body Politic Cont'd (Just Published New Book)


Excerpted from Emmanuel Konde’s Cameroon: Traumas of the Body Politic (2015), pp. 151-153.
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                                                  CHAPTER 7 
Professor Emmanuel Konde (Author)
Biya's New Deal Society

 

The greatest political gift that the people of Cameroon have had since the colonization of their country by Europeans in 1884 was initiated by Paul Biya about 100 years after.  Under colonial rule and the first quarter century of decolonized Cameroon (1884-1982), the people of Cameroon suffered one hardship after another at the hands of three European powers from 1884 to 1960, and from Ahmadou Ahidjo from 1960 to 1982.  Under the external and internal colonizing regimes the Cameroonian people lost their political freedoms, especially their rights to free assembly and free expression.  No sooner had Biya assumed the reigns of power in 1982 than he set in motion a transforming ethos that is still unfolding.  Viewed from this perspective, President Biya’s can be posited as a transitional figure with respect to the evolution of Cameroon politics: from absolute authoritarianism to democracy.  But all transitions are fraught with pitfalls.  Cameroon’s is no exception.  To avoid the mishaps attendant to all social and political transformations, Cameroon’s transition needs to be guided skillfully.  To this end, history has placed Paul Biya in an unenviable position to lead Cameroon toward opening up of this once closed society.  But who is this man, Paul Biya?  And what did his proposed “New Deal” entail? Presented below is a brief biographical sketch of President Biya and a critical analysis of his early years at the helm of the Cameroon state apparatus.
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Paul Biya was born among the Bulu in February 1933, at Mvomeka'a village in Sangmelima, Dja et Lobo Division of the country's South Region.  Bulu is one of the ethnic groups that
President Paul Biya of Cameroon


comprise the Beti-Pahoiun family in Cameroon. He was 49 at the time of his ascension to power in 1982.  Biya is a highly educated man.  He received six years (1948-1954) of rigorous Roman Catholic seminarian education in colonial Cameroon and studied politics and public law in Paris at Sorbonne University and other French elite institutions of higher learning.  He entered the Cameroon civil service in 1962 and meteorically climbed that country's political ladder to the position of Prime Minister in 1975.  During the first twenty years of his public career President Biya worked under Ahidjo (1962-1982).  From 1967 to 1975 the positions he held involved functions directly related to the presidency.  Like his boss Ahidjo, Biya was a quiet man, a personality trait that must have endeared him to the president.  His calm demeanor projected the facade of a spineless bureaucrat who, though meticulous in discharging his bureaucratic functions, could nonetheless be easily manipulated. Ahidjo trusted him, but it was Biya who finally outsmarted the old fox.
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When Biya succeeded Ahidjo as president in 1982, many Cameroonians saw in him a sincere, incorruptible man of vision and thus they took his every word for gospel--particularly his program of liberalization and democratization.  It is probable that Biya never imagined that he would be handed the reins of power the way it came to pass.  But no sooner was Ahidjo out of the picture than it became evident that Biya was ill prepared for the office that had been suddenly thrust upon him.  It is possible that Ahidjo had intended to gradually groom Biya for the office of president but the latter's ambition for power overcame his natural urge to learn.  Biya's coup against Ahidjo at first seemed hurriedly and prematurely executed, as evidenced by the mounting problems   that befell Cameroon in the early years following his assumption of the presidency.

Although Biya had served under Ahidjo in various top-level administrative posts, the positions were administrative and not political.  Ahidjo was the only politician in Cameroon during his long reign. Biya was more of an intellectual-technocrat. Reputed to have been an excellent administrator, Biya was no politician and thus he committed the grave error of disentangling himself from Ahidjo much too soon.  It is no surprise that the new president initially fumbled in office; and, the abortive coup d'état of April 1984, far from being a disaster, was in fact a blessing in disguise for President Biya.  It did two things for the president: prolonged his honeymoon with the Cameroonian people by opening up a wellspring of showers of support, and that honeymoon provided him an opportunity to adjust to the new realities that confronted him as president.

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            While the April 1984 mutiny increased Biya's popularity, it also paved the way for the


curtailment of presidential powers.  Before the coup, Biya owed allegiance to none but Ahidjo--whom he had summarily and adroitly forced into exile in France the previous year.  After the abortive coup Biya became indebted to the leaders of the Cameroon military establishment who had stood by him during his moment of crisis and had crushed the insurgents.  This development shifted the pendulum of power to a middle position, a sharing of power with leaders of the armed forces that correspondingly reduced Biya to something of a princeps (first among equals) in his own government.  The presence of the military in Cameroon politics was increasingly felt as selected military officers apparently became part of the formal political leadership.
 

Biya may have been of a democratic disposition, even a visionary, at his inception of power in 1982.  The president's political bent from the onset suggested that he was keen about remaking the Cameroonian people of the Ahidjo epoch. But the events of April 6-7, 1984, including the two alleged attempts on his life in 1983, not only altered this trait in him but seemed to have also convinced the new president of the realities of political leadership.  These events compelled Biya to rethink his politics and thus he gradually settled down to governing the country the way that he understood the people wanted to be governed. Accordingly, a style of governance that can best be characterized as "laissez-faire" became the hallmark of Biya's presidency.
 
Click the link below and purchase this book and other Konde's books. The Traumas of Cameroon Body Politic is a must-read by Cameroonians who are interested to have an in-depth knowledge of the history of Cameroon. And for the price of $17.99, it is a bargain.

Wednesday, February 4, 2015

Cameroon: Traumas of the Body Politic (JUST PUBLISHED NEW BOOK)


Excerpted from Emmanuel Konde’s Cameroon: Traumas of the Body Politic (2015), pp. 104-108 
 http://www.amazon.com/s/ref=nb_sb_noss?url=search-alias%3Daps&field-keywords=emmanuel+konde

Professor Emmanuel Konde (Author)
CHAPTER 5

 

Ahidjo’s Decolonized Cameroon

 
Modern decolonized Cameroon was largely shaped by two momentous events of 1958: one in French Cameroun and the other in British Southern Cameroons.  Originating in the late colonial era, reverberations of these events are still echoing in the postcolonial epoch of Cameroon’s political history and are simultaneously contributing to the political discourse of the country and raising difficult questions about the past. This chapter examines and analyzes the political impact of these developments in the French and the British administered United Nations trust territories of Cameroon, through the federal and united republics.  The most significant political figure that dominated this period of Cameroon’s history was Ahmadou Ahidjo, first president of reunified Cameroon who loomed larger than life during the first two decades (1961 to 1982) of the federal and united republics.
 
         
Ahmadou  Ahidjo
    In February 1958, Ahmadou Ahidjo, a northerner, replaced André-Marie Mbida, a southerner, as Prime Minister of French Cameroun.  This event signaled a major shift of political power from the south of French Cameroun to the north. A few months later in July of that same year, Augustine Ngom Jua, a grassfielder, organized the anlu in Kom against the visit of coastal Prime Minister E.M.L. Endeley’s.  Kom was a stronghold of the K.N.C. (Kamerun National Congress) party in the Bamenda Grassfields and its loss to the opposition Kamerun National Democratic Party (K.N.D.P.) insured John Ngu Foncha’s victory over Endeley in the 1959 elections.  This, too, meant a shift of the commanding heights from the coastal to the political elite of the grassfields in British Southern Cameroons. Then, in September 1958, Ruben Um Nyobe, the nationalist leader of Union des Populations du Cameroun (U.P.C.) was assassinated by the French.  This event marked the premature ending of the radical nationalist struggle in French Cameroun, and heralded a new chapter in the political history of Cameroon in which Ahmadou Ahidjo would emerge as the undisputed protagonist.
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        Whereas in French Cameroun Ahmadou Ahidjo had emerged in 1958 with the support of diverse political parties in the assembly, in British Southern Cameroons John N. Foncha's rise in 1959 resulted from a political machination of diabolical proportions orchestrated by Augustine N. Jua.  The anlu of 1958 assured the K.N.D.P. a short-term victory at the polls but also sowed some long-term seeds of discord that would later blossom into the much vaunted "Anglophone Problem."  In reality, the so-called Anglophone Problem was born during the nationalist phase of British Southern Cameroons’ agitation for autonomy in the 1950s.  It arose out of division among coastal and Grassfields English-speaking Cameroonian politicians, crystallized in 1958 after the anlu, ands ossified in the 1959 elections that resulted in Foncha victory over Endeley.    At the time not readily apparent, these events of the 1950s created political havoc that would bedevil English-speaking Cameroonians in the last decade of the twentieth century and early years of the twenty-first.

           Whether for good or worse, the new realignment occasioned by the events of 1958 meant that in French Cameroun Ahmadou Ahidjo's Union Camerounais (U.C.)  eventually would rise to be the party calling the shots there, while in British Southern Cameroons John Ngu Foncha's K.N.D.P. would likewise rise to political preeminence.   Consequently the making of modern Cameroon, the reunification of former German Kamerun after more than 40 years of French and British rule over a divided Cameroon, would be directed by two men—Ahidjo and Foncha—and their respective political parties.

                                      An Inexorable Movement of History

            Even though the events of 1958 happened independently of each other in the two Cameroons, they nonetheless reveal an interlocking pattern that suggests that they were precursors to reunification.  But the interconnectedness of these events is not so evident if each of them is examined singly as an isolated moment in Cameroon's political history.  However, when examined together as components of a larger political development, the seemingly isolated events take on a life of their own that displays some discernible outlines of an inexorable movement of history. The first involved the rise of a strongman from a hitherto backward region of French Cameroun.  He was thrust on the political stage by the French colonial authorities to pacify a recalcitrant nationalist party and to usher in a new realignment of power in French Cameroun.  The second, though different in character and gravity, inaugurated similar power realignment in British Southern Cameroons.  The convergence of these two strands would result in the reunification of Cameroon.
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        The French colonial political structures in Cameroun were inherited by Ahmadou Ahidjo, who meticulously put his own distinctive stamp on them.  Ahidjo's Cameroon was administered by a state apparatus that he created, and modeled upon a system characterized by Crawford Young as "the unitary Bonarpatist doctrines of France."  Since the president was himself ill-educated and therefore ill-prepared for undertaking this rather awesome task on his own initiative, it is likely that the French assisted him in shaping the contours of the political system over which he would preside.  Ahidjo's new State was hegemonic but, as long as significant segments of the country acknowledged his supremacy and rendered deference to central authority, they were allowed to pursue their own agendas.  Thus, influential traditional rulers were unchallenged in their local domains, the powerful local Roman Catholic Church left undisturbed, and the industrious class of ambitious Bamileke merchants allowed to garner huge profits from their trading activities.

        Ahidjo had the opportunity of transforming his multi-ethnic polity of tribes people of more than two hundred ethnic groups into a nation-state, imbuing in his countrymen with a strong sense of belonging to a nation that transcended ethic and tribal proclivities.  But Ahidjo’s primary concern was not to convert Cameroonian tribes people to nationalists.  That was Ruben Um Nyobe's task--the UPC (Union des Populations du Cameroun) leader who Ahidjo and his French masters had eliminated in September 1958.  Besides, Ahidjo was a political leader and not a visionary or prophet.  And the French colonial masters definitely did not want a leader who would make Cameroonians out of tribesmen.  Hence they settled for Ahidjo, who either sought, or was instructed, to increase his own personal power.  Accordingly, Ahidjo constructed a state apparatus that consisted of the government, a single party, and a police state structure, including an elaborate institutional network of professional and political apparatchiks--a politico-administrative class loyal to him.  This group of individuals was charged with the responsibility of managing the affairs of the state under Ahidjo’s personal, direct supervision.        
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        The Ahidjo regime was highly centralized in Yaounde, the nation’s capital city. From that center of power, Ahidjo made all appointments of ministers, governors, prefects, directors, etc.  All high-ranking positions in the government, party, parliament, and the bureaucracy were rewards Ahidjo personally bestowed upon mostly qualified Cameroonians whom he deemed loyal and supportive of his regime.  The formula for expediting these rewards was "ethnic/regional representation" in the political institutions of the country.  Professor Kofele-Kale refers this formula as "ethnic arithmetic" and explains that "in reality it was a sophisticated patronage system through which ethnic groups were transformed into pressure groups with the responsibility of articulating, aggregating and resolving particularistic interests and demands."

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