No other territory in history has been so exploited and left to gnash
its teeth in psychological and
By
Ekinneh Agbaw-Ebai*
From 1953, Southern Cameroons was, to all
intents and purposes, a country of its own, with almost all the appurtenances
of a nation state, including self-governance, its own police force, parliament,
and a senate known as the House of Chiefs. Despite the one, united and
indivisible Cameroon hoax, the fact is that French Cameroun was a different
country which gained independence from France on January 1, 1960 (as Republic
of Cameroun) with international borders that did not include Southern Cameroons;
which gained independence after a UN referendum on February 11, 1961. Even
after the independent Southern Cameroons state joined French Cameroun in a
two-state federation to form the Federal Republic of Cameroon on October 1,
1961, no Union Treaty was registered with the UN General Assembly secretariat as
mandated by Articles 102 and 103 of the UN Charter. Over the past 56 years, the
international community has looked the other way while Southern Cameroonians have
been denied their independence. Southern Cameroonians have been
emasculated to concur in the despoliation of their land by their passive
indifference and cold complicity in the face of reckless dissipation of their
commonwealth by French Cameroun. For a people
that already experienced such high level of self-government under colonial rule,
this anomaly makes independence worse than colonialization.
The occupation, annexation and colonial rule
of Southern Cameroons by French Cameroun violates Article 4(b) of the African
Union Constitutive act. It also violates UN resolutions against colonialism and
external domination of other people; and it contravenes Articles 19-24 of the
African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Right; and other principles of
International Law. In short, it is recolonization, pure and simple. The unilateral
abrogation of the two-state Federation by French Cameroun under the subterfuge
of the May 20, 1972 referendum was a constitutional coup d’état, which violated
Art 47 of the Federal Constitution. The plebiscite votes never made Cameroon
one, united and indivisible; nor was it intended to. Even were Southern
Cameroons to be an integral part of French Cameroun, any such referendum on
abolishing the federation ought to have been an issue solely for the people of
Southern Cameroons to decide, since they were the ones who voted to join French
Cameroun, in the first instance.
The two Cameroons were never one, because
post-German Kamerun, the two territories remained fundamentally different in terms
of political evolution and governance. Southern Cameroons evolved a functional parliamentary
democracy, whereas French Cameroun was administered as a French overseas
territory, and remained tragically stuck as a French neo-colonial outpost even
after independence in 1960. From 1953-1961, Southern Cameroons was a vibrant
democracy with an electoral system based on direct adult universal suffrage
with single-member constituencies. Elections into the Southern Cameroons House
of Assembly featured only indigenous parties like KNC, KPP, CPNC and KNDP,
which had broad appeal across the six divisions of Victoria, Kumba, Mamfe,
Bamenda, Wum and Nkambe.
Unlike Southern Cameroons, the democratic
framework in French Cameroun was aligned to France. French men contested
elections in French Cameroun and French Cameroun politicians contested
elections into the French National Assembly (Assemble de l’Union Francaise (AUF), and the Conseil de la Republique, the French Senate. British parties never
contested elections in Southern Cameroons. The opposite was true in French
Cameroun where, French political parties like Rassemblement de Gauches, Mouvement
Républicain Populaire (MRP), and Section
Française de l'Internationale Ouvrière, (SFIO) dominated electoral contests
into the French Cameroun parliament – the Assemblée
Representative du Cameroun (ARCAM), later transformed to Assemble Territoriale du Cameroun (ATCAM) in 1952.
Until the UPC was created, political
parties in French Cameroun like Jeunesse
Camerounaise Francaise (JEUCAFRA), Union
des Camerounaise Francaise (UNICAFRA) and Association des Colons du Cameroun (ASOCAM) were administrative
parties created to defend French interests and all espoused attachment to
“Mother France.” When the UPC led by Mayi Matip was banned in 1955, the parties
that contested the December 1956 elections in French Cameroun like Ahidjo’s Union Camerounaise (UC), Andre-Marie
Mbida’s Partie de Democrates Camerounaise
(DC) and Betote Akwa’s Action
Nationale (MANC) were more or less satellite tribal groups. In Southern
Cameroons, political parties were tribe neutral, but in French Cameroun, every
ethnic group had a party. There was even one to defend the interests of
Mollatoes; cross-breeds of Franco-Cameroun heritage led by an elected MP,
Frenchman, Léon Foulétier.
In matters of electoral politics, Southern
Cameroons was a showroom of political pluralism in its day. Right from the
first elections to the Southern Cameroons House of Assembly (SCHA) on October
26, 1953; Simon Enow Ncha, blazed the trail to run as an independent candidate,
in Mamfe Division, defeating the two main political party candidates - Martin
Forju (KPP) and Chief SA Arrey (KNC). SE Ncha inspired other independent
candidates like Solomon Anyeghamoti Ndefru (SAN) Angwafor, now Fon Angwafor
III, who defeated DA Nangah (KNDP) and Maximus Chibikom (OK) in the 1961
elections in Upper Ngemba. Ncha also inspired Bernard Tajoh Beja (BTB) Foretia,
who ran as an independent and lost the 1961 elections in Mamfe East to the
formidable KNDP baron PM Kemcha, whom he eventually replaced in the 1968 Muna
government. In Southern Cameroons, nomination of candidates was by two voters
in the candidate’s electoral district; people who knew the candidates at the
grassroots. Fon Angwafor III was nominated by GP Tuma, a mechanic and David
Che, a teacher.
Against this background could be
appreciated the fact that in French Cameroun, French men contested elections
into French Cameroun Assembly within a dual electoral college system,
comprising a French college and a College of indigenes. In the March 1952
elections into ATCAM, the French College elected Emile Victor Albert, Henri
Chamaulte, André Duret, PM Chalot, André-Albert Gerberon, André Duru, Antoine
Giard, Arthur-Louise Gouelle, Jean Grassard, Joseph Guyard, Henri Paul
Journiac, Marcel Lagarde, Pierre Laouilheau, Alfred Mandon, Brieuc Penanhot,
Jean-Marie Poileux, Mohamed Koudjali and Pierre Rocaglea. Form the College of
indigenes came: Louis-Paul Aujoulat, Ninine Jules, Ahmadou Ahidjo, Jean
Akassou, Charles Assale, Abega Martin Atangana, André-Marie Mbida, Paul Soppo
Priso, Gaston Medou, André Fouda Omgba, Jean Ekwabi Ewane, Mathias Djoumessi,
Dissake Hans, Babale Oumarou, Njine Michel, Arouna Njoya, Seidou Njimoulouh
Njoya, Abbe Joseph Antoine Melone, Paul Francois Martin, Jean-Baptiste Mabaya,
Etonde Guillaume, Charles Mbakop, Rene Blaise Mindjo, Lara Zoua, Youssouf
Marouf, Ahmadou Mahonde, Marcel Marigoh Mboua, Kotouo Pierre, Ousmanou Hamidou,
Iyawa Adamou, Chedjou Joseph and Alphonse Woungly-Massaga.
It is interesting to note that French
citizens like Louis-Paul Aujoulat contested elections in the college of
indigenes. In the view of the average Southern Cameroonian, the presence of
Frenchmen in the French Cameroun parliament was a political monstrosity that advertised
to the entire world a certain definition of democracy that diminishes the ideal
and mocks the primacy of the indigenous people in the process. This anomaly raises
fundamental questions about the average Francophone’s definition and perception
of public office and explains why they are so lacking in the vital attributes
of democratic engagement. In Southern Cameroons, expatriate involvement in the
political process was limited to logistics. For example, EL Cox and AJ Cordy served
as Chief Electoral Officers in the 1957 and 1959 elections, while AB
Westmacott, Resident for Special Duties in Bamenda demarcated the
constituencies. In French Cameroun, the colonial administrators picked winners
and losers and elections were run by the Interior Minister designated by France.
The standing view is that, he who controls the
electoral machinery (pays organisateur) determines the outcome. It is a sad commentary on the character of French
Cameroun politics and politicians that rigging and other electoral malpractices are
deeply embedded in their political culture.
It
is a matter for regret, indeed shame that Francophones continue to hee-haw the
one, united and indivisible Cameroon fallacy, even as the bonds that bind the two Cameroons appear
tenuous, if not snapping. A review of UN General Assembly resolutions and other international legal
principles regarding the right to self-determination shows incontrovertibly
that Southern Cameroons became independent in 1961, but has since been
recolonized and occupied by French Cameroun. The
ongoing struggle to restore Southern Cameroons independence is therefore consistent
with International Law, including the right to self-determination. The right to
separate from French Cameroun is also laid out under Principles VII and VIII of
UN General Assembly Resolution 1541 of December 15, 1960. Besides, the
obligation imposed by the UN that Southern Cameroons should obtain
“independence by joining” either Nigeria or Cameroon violated Article 76(b) of
the UN Charter, and UNGA Resolution 1541; both of which reaffirm independence
as the inherent and inalienable right of all colonies and Trust Territories.
It all stands to reason that Cameroon was never
one, united and indivisible. French Cameroun, in violation of international
law, has supplanted the 1961 federation of two equal nations with annexation of
Southern Cameroons. The
declaration of war on Anglophones removes any pretence that Biya views Southern
Cameroons as a conquered and captured people. It is indeed a pity yet again that
Biya misread public opinion and chose to stand on the wrong side of history. It
is evident the president still doesn’t realize that force has never triumphed
over ideology in all of history. A situation where the president declares war
against a section of the country, and calls them terrorists, cannot be in the
interest of national unity. Such executive lawlessness is a sad manifestation
of the rule of force over the rule of law. The audacity of this impunity was a
reminder to Southern Cameroonians, if any was needed, that the music has
changed to a war song; all Anglophone terrorists must now sing and dance the
new song.
*Ekinneh Agbaw-Ebai is a
Public Intellectual and graduate of Harvard University John F. Kennedy School
of Government, where he was Managing Editor of the Harvard Journal of
African-American Public Policy. A former Research Analyst for Freedom House, he
is a Consultant and lives in Boston, USA. Talk back at ekinneh@yahoo.com
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