Cameroon: Chinese Construction of a New National Assembly. What the Public needs to know

The Newly-designed (by the Chinese gov't) Cameroon National Assembly

By Jackson W. Nanje

The new Cameroon National Assembly building project shall be in Cameroon’s capital city of Yaoundé. The building has been designated in a construction site area of ​​about 44,000 square meters, with a total construction area of ​​37,500 square meters. The main contents of the project include eight (8) major functions: main office building, semicircular conference hall, subsidiary room of the conference hall, celebration hall, fire guard building, guard room, equipment room and underground garage. The diagram above was designed by the 6th Central Committee of the Chinese People's Liberation Army that won the bid to design and build the Legislative House. Rumor even has it that the contemporary design was already being circulated even before the building got burnt. Hmmn! The question that looms in the minds of many Cameroonians is, whether there are no Cameroonian-born architects who could have won the bid, design and supervise the construction of the new House of Parliament?

Even though China has been investing significantly in much of Africa’s economy, for instance, its $166billion in trade in 2011, we urge African leaders to take a cautious-approach and should not be lust in China’s largesse. The American-Soviet Union debacle (described below) should serve as an eye-opener to African leaders who are not sophisticated enough, technologically, to put an eye on the prize as they receive unsolicited donations from China. The African Union headquarters in Addis, Ethiopia, which costs $200million was a free donation from China to Africa. But at what expense? The Chinese company that constructed the House of Parliament in Zimbabwe is the same company that has won the contract to build the recently burnt down Cameroon National Assembly. A Chinese company equally built the Gabonese House of Assembly in 2002. One of the strategic plans for the Chinese government is to win contracts and to build decision-making houses in the African continent. That is why the bid-winning company and the Chinese government celebrated when they won another contract to build the Cameroon House of Assembly right after completing the Zimbabwean House of Assembly. Why is the Chinese government celebrating for winning a bid which adds very little to their Gross National Product? It should be part of their strategy to engulf Africa’s economy and polity in their national strategic plan.

 This is how they reported the news: The “the project supporting Cameroon's National Assembly is an important project for the Chinese government to implement President Xi Jinping's proposal on the ‘Top Ten Cooperation Programs’ with Africa.” Just what is it that the Chinese government is excited about? I am not by this document suggesting that there’s something fishy in the Chinese strategic plan of winning the contracts to construct the legislative houses of some African countries and that of the African continent; however, let us look at the dilemma the United States was confronted with when the let the then Soviet Union (now Russia), construct their embassy in Moscow.

It was in 1969 that the United States government under President Richard Nixon signed an agreement with the Soviet Union to build embassies in both Moscow and Washington D.C. The American project was to be the “most elaborate and expensive United States embassy ever, a testament to American wealth and power.” Today, that embassy which the United States spent a lot of money to build has been abandoned because of the number of spying bugs which the Soviet Union-hired workers buried all over the building undetected by the Americans. These Soviet-planted bugs enabled useful communication emanating from staffs in the newly-constructed United States embassy to be intercepted by Soviet Union and, they acted on it without the knowledge of the United States. It has been widely reported that, over the years, the United States has spent $23 million on the building, but more than twice that amount to figure out how the Soviets used snooping devices to transform it into a giant antenna capable of transmitting written and verbal communications to the outside. But today, the eight-story American chancery in Moscow stands useless, infested with spying systems planted by Soviet construction workers, a stark monument to one of the most embarrassing failures of American diplomacy and intelligence in decades.

In 1884, the European invaded Africa in what was known as the Scramble for Africa. The French, particularly, have been vastly unpopular in all the twenty (20) French colonies throughout Africa. The Chinese have studied the good, the bad and the ugly of European colonization and rule in the African continent and are perfecting their interventionist strategies with modification. Currently, cyber security is a big issue in the world and Africa cannot afford to come from behind again like it has, in the past. This is the reason why they should accept China’s high-mindedness with terms and conditions for their own protection.

It is easy for Cameroon’s not-so-technologically savvy politicians, most of whom are born before the digital age or are consumed with old age, to accept the gift by the Chinese and be lust in the architectural design of the new Cameroon National Assembly and ignore the potential bait of spying bugs being planted by the Chinese construction company during time of construction to help China tap into legislative discussions with the help of “planted bugs.” To avoid such potential hazard, the construction of the building must be supervised by an ever-present team  of knowledgeable Cameroon architects and the construction materials should be thoroughly inspected to free them of bugs. It is only when these things are done that our country can be saved from an intrusive Chinese grip on our economy and polity, which would be more dangerous than the European design to Scramble for Africa.

One, United and Indivisible Cameroon: Beyond Language -two different nations, two distinct histories

The ongoing genocide in Southern Cameroons has dealt a devastating blow to any claim by those

propagating the big, fat lie that Cameroon is one, united and indivisible.

By Ekinneh Agbaw-Ebai*

The regime in Yaoundé has totally lost the force of argument. Its blind use of the argument of force; the only option left for it, will fail because violence has never successfully prevented a people yearning for freedom from achieving it. It is important to remind French Cameroun politicians who hardly draw lessons from history that Cameroon was a union of two distinct nations involving two different peoples with two different histories and political culture, beyond French and English languages. Great efforts were made by East and West Cameroon to develop their resources and use same to better the lot of their people, as there was a sense of healthy competition among the two federating states. It is just enough to say that by unilaterally abrogating the federation in 1972, Ahidjo snatched defeat from the jaws of victory and Cameroon’s manifest rendezvous with glory was halted. This was probably the most wicked act ever perpetrated against Southern Cameroons and current efforts to defend this anomaly only gives a bad name to democracy as a government of the people; for the people and by the people.

After unification in 1961, French Cameroun and Southern Cameroons were developing at their own pace, under a federal system of government and the two nations were never one and indivisible. That French Cameroun lacked the main foundation of nationhood owing to the absence of a sense of belonging to one entity, as tribal loyalty competed with national cohesion, is a fact that contrasts markedly with the political maturity in Southern Cameroons. No one can dispute the abysmal level of understanding of French Cameroun politicians when it comes to the majesty of democracy. No one should be surprised, therefore, at their lack of sophistication in its practice. The French Cameroun political class has shown an impetuous proclivity to foster a recruitment process that allows the worst to access public offices. Politics in French Cameroun was so much debased that electoral competition was an odious rat race or an all-comers affair of tribal jingoists, political hangers-on and sundry jobbers, all lacking in the requisite knowledge for leadership and governance.

Unlike Southern Cameroon, primordial sentiments animated French Cameroun politics. In the 1956 elections into the French Cameroun parliament, Ahidjo’s UC party which won the majority was a loose amalgam of contending tribal interests comprising - Union de Diamare (Jean Akassou, Maigari Bello, Yaya Daicro, Kakiang Wappi, Mohamadou Ousmanou, Yerima Daicro, Ninine Jules and Guyard Joseph); Union de Bamoun, (Arouna Njoya and Seidou Njimoulouh Njoya); Union de Defense des Interests de la Benoue(Ahidjo, Babale Ousmanou, Buhari Bouba, Haman Aboubakari, Hadji Mohaman, Rene Tagrand); Defense des Interests de Logone et Chari (Garba Gueime, Sultan Marouf Youssouf); Union de L’Adamawa (Alfred Mandon, Nana Djafarou, Adamu Iyawa, Sekou Cheick); Defense des Interests de Margui-Wandala (Talba Malla, Haman Adama, Bobo Souaibo, Lamine Yerima, Andoulaye Yero, Amaoua Abdoulaye.

Andre-Marie Mbida’s party platform was basically a coalition of tribal groups which elected Gaston Medou & Ebo Ndoundoumou (Action Paysanne de Dja et Lobo); Marigoh Mboua, Ndibo Mbarsola (Defense des Interests de Lom et Kadei); Pierre Yinda, Yakana Jacques (Union Social pour la Lumiere, le Progres et Fraternite du Mbam); Jean-Baptiste Mabaya, Pierre Ninekam (Independante pour la Defense des Interests du Pays du Haut-Nkam). Also elected were Chief Djoumessi Mathias, Marcel Lagarde (Défense des Interests Bamiléké in Dschang ; Etienne Djuatio, Imatha Jean (Defense des Interests de Mbouda); Kamga Joseph, Pierre Ngayewang, Samuel Wanko (Union et Progress Bamileke in Bafoussam); Ekwabi Ewane, Gaston Behle (Auctotones des Moungo); Charles Assale, Francois Obam (Union Nationale in Ntem Valley) and Betote Akwa, Soppo Priso in Wouri. Needless to say there was no political party in Southern Cameroons, created to specifically articulate and defend tribal or sectional interests.

Besides, while French Camerounians were electing Frenchmen to represent them in parliament, the March 1957 elections into the SCHA produced a constellation of candidates representing the different political parties which served as platforms for nation-building ideas and a breeding ground for leadership and policy articulation. There was a robust opposition which was the motor-force of democracy. In Victoria Division, Dr. EML Endeley (KNC) and PM Motomby-Wolete (KPP) were elected. NN Mbile (KPP) and FN Ajebe Sone (KNC) were elected in Kumba; Ambrose Fonge (KNDP) and SA Arrey (KNC) emerged from Mamfe. In Bamenda Division, ST Muna (KNC), VT Lainjo (KNC) and JN Foncha (KNDP) were elected; in Wum, two KNDP stalwarts, AN Jua and P Mua were elected; in Nkambe, Ando-Seh (KNC) and P Nsakwa (KNDP) were elected. Five of the six elected NA members were KNC – JM Mukambi (Kba), TC Lekunze (Mfe), HD Tankoh Tah (Bda), JE Kum (Wum) and W Nformi (Nkambe). John Manga-Williams (Victoria) was an Independent. Power alternation was one of the cornerstones of Southern Cameroons democracy because of the presence of a strong opposition with a distinct ideology and policy to the governing party.

Such a vibrant opposition was nonexistent in French Cameroun. For example, in the April 1960 elections into ALCAM, there were no competitions for the 44 seats in the North where Ahidjo’s UC party held sway. Once Ahidjo with the support of Aujoulat took over the UC leadership from Ninine Jules, his strategy was to cripple the opposition. By 1963, Ahidjo had virtually stifled all political parties and there was just one party in French Cameroun. In a streak of authoritarian madness, Ahidjo then undertook an insidious lynching of West Cameroon democracy in 1966 when all political parties were disbanded to form the CNU. The Federal Republic of Cameroon officially became a one-party state. Going forward, power, money and vanity became instruments of statecraft in the hands of CNU barons.

In addition, the Southern Cameroons civil service was very apolitical. Cabinet Secretaries were career politicians but the bureaucracy was run by Permanent Secretaries, who were not allowed to participate in politics. This tradition was maintained after unification as PJ Alpress, Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Natural Resources was appointed Chief Electoral Officer for the first post-independence election under the federated state of West Cameroon in December 1961. The reverse was true in French Cameroon where at independence in I960, a civil servant, Ahmadou Ahidjo, was handpicked by the French to become head of state. The tribalism, impunity, nepotism, abusive patronage and notorious corruption that is the official currency of governance in Cameroon today had its roots deeply embedded in the political culture of French Cameroun, where political leaders drew their electoral strength from tribal associations like Ngondo (Soppo Priso); Kumze (Chief Djoumessi Mathias); Bassa Mpo’o (Mayi Matip); Efoula Meyong (Charles Assale) and Koupé (Ekwabi Ewane).

And unlike in East Cameroun where traditional rulers were appointed by the colonial government and forced to wear official uniforms with ranks on their epaulets, the West Cameroon House of Chiefs was an integral part of the governance architecture and served as a quasi-upper legislative chamber. It is trite to say that there can be no democracy without democrats. Southern Cameroons having entrenched the democratic culture and ethos, a man could leave office, but the institution stays.  In circumstances such as this, there is usually a predilection to invoke primordial sentiments that are inimical to nation-building. To the ordinary Francophone, government is a profit-making business and political power is a selfish tribal equation, where holders of high public office must cater to the tribe above all else. Southern Cameroonians see high public office as a call to service; whereas to Francophones, a cabinet appointment is an invitation to “come and chop.” It was normal for an incoming Minister in French Cameroun to replace all his top-ranking collaborators with his tribesmen because “it is their turn to chop.” In such situation, the stress to governance and efficient delivery of democracy dividends from sycophancy, indiscipline, corruption and mediocrity cannot be over-emphasized.

Despite the preachments of Francophone politicians about the imperative of a one, united and indivisible Cameroon, the ethnic reactionary politics of self-preservation still pervades their psyche. A very telling situation that was a national embarrassment was when President Biya publicly declared all-out war against Anglophone terrorists. That Biya would descend to such shameless demonization of Anglophones, especially amid the ongoing genocide when the nation is in mourning and sober soul-searching, is the height of insensitivity and sheer dishonor for the dead and brutalized. In the judgment of an average sense of decency, Biya’s action is a moral weakness of asinine proportion.

In conclusion, a nation can never outgrow the performance of its leader. Such is Cameroon’s tragedy at the moment. The failure of leadership by the President, who by authority is assumed to be the father of the nation, is highly disturbing. If the president views Anglophones with such hatred, does it therefore surprise anyone why some of the president’s henchmen have been beating the drums of war? Given his apathetic refusal to dialogue, Biya wittingly or unwittingly sent a message of disdain and unwelcome to all Anglophones, including those in his cabinet, that they are terrorists, instead of patriotic citizens with a different vision on how the nation should be governed. Biya’s depth of ill feeling towards Anglophones is unhealthy for a nation in distress. He must therefore be told in whatever language he understands that Southern Cameroons and French Cameroon are not one, united and indivisible; never were, and never will be one, united and indivisible! 

*Ekinneh Agbaw-Ebai is a Public Intellectual and graduate of Harvard University John F. Kennedy School of Government, where he was Managing Editor of the Harvard Journal of African-American Public Policy. A former Research Analyst for Freedom House, he is a Consultant and lives in Boston, USA. Talk back at ekinneh@yahoo.com

One, United and Indivisible Cameroon – When Independence is worse than Colonization

No other territory in history has been so exploited and left to gnash its teeth in psychological and

physical agony as Southern Cameroons following its recolonization by French Cameroun.

By Ekinneh Agbaw-Ebai*

From 1953, Southern Cameroons was, to all intents and purposes, a country of its own, with almost all the appurtenances of a nation state, including self-governance, its own police force, parliament, and a senate known as the House of Chiefs. Despite the one, united and indivisible Cameroon hoax, the fact is that French Cameroun was a different country which gained independence from France on January 1, 1960 (as Republic of Cameroun) with international borders that did not include Southern Cameroons; which gained independence after a UN referendum on February 11, 1961. Even after the independent Southern Cameroons state joined French Cameroun in a two-state federation to form the Federal Republic of Cameroon on October 1, 1961, no Union Treaty was registered with the UN General Assembly secretariat as mandated by Articles 102 and 103 of the UN Charter. Over the past 56 years, the international community has looked the other way while Southern Cameroonians have been denied their independence. Southern Cameroonians have been emasculated to concur in the despoliation of their land by their passive indifference and cold complicity in the face of reckless dissipation of their commonwealth by French Cameroun. For a people that already experienced such high level of self-government under colonial rule, this anomaly makes independence worse than colonialization.

The occupation, annexation and colonial rule of Southern Cameroons by French Cameroun violates Article 4(b) of the African Union Constitutive act. It also violates UN resolutions against colonialism and external domination of other people; and it contravenes Articles 19-24 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Right; and other principles of International Law. In short, it is recolonization, pure and simple. The unilateral abrogation of the two-state Federation by French Cameroun under the subterfuge of the May 20, 1972 referendum was a constitutional coup d’état, which violated Art 47 of the Federal Constitution. The plebiscite votes never made Cameroon one, united and indivisible; nor was it intended to. Even were Southern Cameroons to be an integral part of French Cameroun, any such referendum on abolishing the federation ought to have been an issue solely for the people of Southern Cameroons to decide, since they were the ones who voted to join French Cameroun, in the first instance.

The two Cameroons were never one, because post-German Kamerun, the two territories remained fundamentally different in terms of political evolution and governance. Southern Cameroons evolved a functional parliamentary democracy, whereas French Cameroun was administered as a French overseas territory, and remained tragically stuck as a French neo-colonial outpost even after independence in 1960. From 1953-1961, Southern Cameroons was a vibrant democracy with an electoral system based on direct adult universal suffrage with single-member constituencies. Elections into the Southern Cameroons House of Assembly featured only indigenous parties like KNC, KPP, CPNC and KNDP, which had broad appeal across the six divisions of Victoria, Kumba, Mamfe, Bamenda, Wum and Nkambe.

Unlike Southern Cameroons, the democratic framework in French Cameroun was aligned to France. French men contested elections in French Cameroun and French Cameroun politicians contested elections into the French National Assembly (Assemble de l’Union Francaise (AUF), and the Conseil de la Republique, the French Senate. British parties never contested elections in Southern Cameroons. The opposite was true in French Cameroun where, French political parties like Rassemblement de Gauches, Mouvement Républicain Populaire (MRP), and Section Française de l'Internationale Ouvrière, (SFIO) dominated electoral contests into the French Cameroun parliament – the Assemblée Representative du Cameroun (ARCAM), later transformed to Assemble Territoriale du Cameroun (ATCAM) in 1952.

Until the UPC was created, political parties in French Cameroun like Jeunesse Camerounaise Francaise (JEUCAFRA), Union des Camerounaise Francaise (UNICAFRA) and Association des Colons du Cameroun (ASOCAM) were administrative parties created to defend French interests and all espoused attachment to “Mother France.” When the UPC led by Mayi Matip was banned in 1955, the parties that contested the December 1956 elections in French Cameroun like Ahidjo’s Union Camerounaise (UC), Andre-Marie Mbida’s Partie de Democrates Camerounaise (DC) and Betote Akwa’s Action Nationale (MANC) were more or less satellite tribal groups. In Southern Cameroons, political parties were tribe neutral, but in French Cameroun, every ethnic group had a party. There was even one to defend the interests of Mollatoes; cross-breeds of Franco-Cameroun heritage led by an elected MP, Frenchman, Léon Foulétier.  

In matters of electoral politics, Southern Cameroons was a showroom of political pluralism in its day. Right from the first elections to the Southern Cameroons House of Assembly (SCHA) on October 26, 1953; Simon Enow Ncha, blazed the trail to run as an independent candidate, in Mamfe Division, defeating the two main political party candidates - Martin Forju (KPP) and Chief SA Arrey (KNC). SE Ncha inspired other independent candidates like Solomon Anyeghamoti Ndefru (SAN) Angwafor, now Fon Angwafor III, who defeated DA Nangah (KNDP) and Maximus Chibikom (OK) in the 1961 elections in Upper Ngemba. Ncha also inspired Bernard Tajoh Beja (BTB) Foretia, who ran as an independent and lost the 1961 elections in Mamfe East to the formidable KNDP baron PM Kemcha, whom he eventually replaced in the 1968 Muna government. In Southern Cameroons, nomination of candidates was by two voters in the candidate’s electoral district; people who knew the candidates at the grassroots. Fon Angwafor III was nominated by GP Tuma, a mechanic and David Che, a teacher.

Against this background could be appreciated the fact that in French Cameroun, French men contested elections into French Cameroun Assembly within a dual electoral college system, comprising a French college and a College of indigenes. In the March 1952 elections into ATCAM, the French College elected Emile Victor Albert, Henri Chamaulte, André Duret, PM Chalot, André-Albert Gerberon, André Duru, Antoine Giard, Arthur-Louise Gouelle, Jean Grassard, Joseph Guyard, Henri Paul Journiac, Marcel Lagarde, Pierre Laouilheau, Alfred Mandon, Brieuc Penanhot, Jean-Marie Poileux, Mohamed Koudjali and Pierre Rocaglea. Form the College of indigenes came: Louis-Paul Aujoulat, Ninine Jules, Ahmadou Ahidjo, Jean Akassou, Charles Assale, Abega Martin Atangana, André-Marie Mbida, Paul Soppo Priso, Gaston Medou, André Fouda Omgba, Jean Ekwabi Ewane, Mathias Djoumessi, Dissake Hans, Babale Oumarou, Njine Michel, Arouna Njoya, Seidou Njimoulouh Njoya, Abbe Joseph Antoine Melone, Paul Francois Martin, Jean-Baptiste Mabaya, Etonde Guillaume, Charles Mbakop, Rene Blaise Mindjo, Lara Zoua, Youssouf Marouf, Ahmadou Mahonde, Marcel Marigoh Mboua, Kotouo Pierre, Ousmanou Hamidou, Iyawa Adamou, Chedjou Joseph and Alphonse Woungly-Massaga.

It is interesting to note that French citizens like Louis-Paul Aujoulat contested elections in the college of indigenes. In the view of the average Southern Cameroonian, the presence of Frenchmen in the French Cameroun parliament was a political monstrosity that advertised to the entire world a certain definition of democracy that diminishes the ideal and mocks the primacy of the indigenous people in the process. This anomaly raises fundamental questions about the average Francophone’s definition and perception of public office and explains why they are so lacking in the vital attributes of democratic engagement. In Southern Cameroons, expatriate involvement in the political process was limited to logistics. For example, EL Cox and AJ Cordy served as Chief Electoral Officers in the 1957 and 1959 elections, while AB Westmacott, Resident for Special Duties in Bamenda demarcated the constituencies. In French Cameroun, the colonial administrators picked winners and losers and elections were run by the Interior Minister designated by France. The standing view is that, he who controls the electoral machinery (pays organisateur) determines the outcome. It is a sad commentary on the character of French Cameroun politics and politicians that rigging and other electoral malpractices are deeply embedded in their political culture.

It is a matter for regret, indeed shame that Francophones continue to hee-haw the one, united and indivisible Cameroon fallacy, even as the bonds that bind the two Cameroons appear tenuous, if not snapping. A review of UN General Assembly resolutions and other international legal principles regarding the right to self-determination shows incontrovertibly that Southern Cameroons became independent in 1961, but has since been recolonized and occupied by French Cameroun. The ongoing struggle to restore Southern Cameroons independence is therefore consistent with International Law, including the right to self-determination. The right to separate from French Cameroun is also laid out under Principles VII and VIII of UN General Assembly Resolution 1541 of December 15, 1960. Besides, the obligation imposed by the UN that Southern Cameroons should obtain “independence by joining” either Nigeria or Cameroon violated Article 76(b) of the UN Charter, and UNGA Resolution 1541; both of which reaffirm independence as the inherent and inalienable right of all colonies and Trust Territories.

It all stands to reason that Cameroon was never one, united and indivisible. French Cameroun, in violation of international law, has supplanted the 1961 federation of two equal nations with annexation of Southern Cameroons. The declaration of war on Anglophones removes any pretence that Biya views Southern Cameroons as a conquered and captured people. It is indeed a pity yet again that Biya misread public opinion and chose to stand on the wrong side of history. It is evident the president still doesn’t realize that force has never triumphed over ideology in all of history. A situation where the president declares war against a section of the country, and calls them terrorists, cannot be in the interest of national unity. Such executive lawlessness is a sad manifestation of the rule of force over the rule of law. The audacity of this impunity was a reminder to Southern Cameroonians, if any was needed, that the music has changed to a war song; all Anglophone terrorists must now sing and dance the new song.

 

*Ekinneh Agbaw-Ebai is a Public Intellectual and graduate of Harvard University John F. Kennedy School of Government, where he was Managing Editor of the Harvard Journal of African-American Public Policy. A former Research Analyst for Freedom House, he is a Consultant and lives in Boston, USA. Talk back at ekinneh@yahoo.com

One, United and Indivisible Cameroon – The Myth, the Lies and the Truth

From 1884-1916, the Germans signed 95 treaties with various ethnic groups but there is nothing about German Kamerun that made the territory or the people one, united and indivisible.

By Ekinneh Agbaw-Ebai*

Amid increasing pressure for political restructuring in the wake of the ongoing Anglophone crisis, there seems to be a consensus among Francophone government officials and Biya regime apologists to echo what seems to be a new national slogan: “Cameroon is one, united and indivisible” and this unity is non-negotiable. However, despite the ubiquitous grandstanding, anchored on a willful misrepresentation and revisionist interpretation of history, the fact remains that, two distinct entities came together to form the Federal Republic of Cameroon in 1961. After 56 years of failed unification, the one, united and indivisible Cameroon mantra is a mere subterfuge for the parasitic affiliation for survival by French Cameroun on Southern Cameroons resources. The unity of a country is a structure with a foundation. Justice is the foundation of unity, truth go round it. The ongoing Anglophone protests have exposed the truth about Cameroon, as a country erected on a weak foundation of unity. Anglophones therefore have no justifiable reason to continue in the union as presently defined.

All told, the union between the two Cameroons was nothing short of a marriage of convenience between a hesitant couple brought together by political and economic considerations of foreign matchmakers. The one, united and indivisible Cameroon is the tragic story of a country suffering from leadership paralysis, elite rapacity and unenlightened self-interest; and of a people traumatized by the mental and behavioral illogicality of a vampire elite that has captured and taken the nation hostage. Rather than address Anglophone grievances over the national question, the government has been gas-lighting the crisis with its meaningless show of naked power that has claimed hundreds of innocent Anglophones lives and entrenched a bitter acrimony that refuses to leave the national consciousness.

              The Myth and Illusion of German Kamerun (1)

The ridiculous myth of one, united and indivisible Cameroon can be better understood when historical records are considered. To Biya regime apologists, the restoration of Anglophone independence is a political transgression which amounts to secession. But French Cameroun cannot continue to be in denial of the fact that we are two different peoples, with distinct histories and cultures beyond language. It is laughable for Francophones to continue to peddle this fallacy of a united and indivisible Cameroon because even within the contraption called German Kamerun, we were never one people.

Many will deny it, but if one thing unites Francophones of all ethnicities in Cameroon, it is their collective disdain and support for marginalization of Anglophones, whom they see as a conquered and captured people whose resources can be pillaged with impunity. Listen to Francophones and you will hear such self-serving arguments that we are “brothers” and should not allow ourselves to be separated based on “foreign linguistic distinctions” imposed by British and French colonialism. After all, the argument goes, “we were one Kamerun under the Germans.” In theory and practice, it has been demonstrated time without number that this is a big fat lie; a huge fraud perpetrated by Francophones to continue the pauperization of Anglophones and the mindless exploitation of their natural resources. 

To begin with, it stretches credulity to assume that the writ of whatever protectorate treaties the Germans signed with Douala chiefs, was binding on Ambazonia tribes west of River Mungo. We were never one, united and indivisible, and could not have been, because after signing treaties with Douala chiefs, the Germans still had to fight bloody wars to “pacify” the Ambazonia tribes. Once the Germans crossed the Mungo, they met stiff resistance from the Bakweris who were on the frontlines of the resistance to German efforts to appropriate their land to open plantations. Led by King Kuva Likenye of Buea, the “Vakpes” stood up to the Germans during the Battle of Buea in 1891, in which Karl Freiher Gravenreuth was killed. In 1894, the Germans launched a punitive counter-expedition killing over 1200 of the estimated 1500 Buea population. King Kuva fled and later died in exile, and his brother, Chief Endeley signed a peace treaty with the Germans in 1895. This genocide is partly responsible for the now infamous “woman-headed household” syndrome in present day Fako.

In present day Ndian, the Oroko resistance against the Germans was led by Chief Nakeli wa Embele of Ikoi village, who fought running battles with the Germans until 1892 when he was captured and publicly hanged. Even after the Germans opened plantations in Essossong and Tombel in present day Kupe-Mwanenguba, they faced strong resistance led by Chief Nked me Akwe, who refused to honor German compulsion requests for free plantation labor. The Bakossis employed unorthodox methods, including Mwakum; the most powerful Bakossi juju to resist the Germans.

In 1899, a German Lieutenant, Queiss, was killed in battle near Otu by Ejaghams resisting the German advance. In November of that same year, the death of a German trader-recruiter, Conrau in Fontem was blamed on Bangwa people who resisted his efforts to draft plantation laborers. The German Governor in Buea, Jesko Von Puttkamer ordered a punitive expedition against the Bangwas and Ejaghams which led to the 1904 uprising in which Ejagham, Boki, Anyang and other Bayang villages attacked German factories in Bachuo, Badje, Agbokem and Mamfe. The Government Station at Ossidinge and the Customs Post at Nsankang were sacked and five Germans, including the District Officer, Graf Puckler-Limburg were killed. Manyu people fought the Germans to a standstill during what became known as the “Mpaw-mankuh” (Rotten Cocoyams) war, which dragged on as a low intensity conflict, culminating with the defeat of the Germans in Nsanakang in 1916 during World War One. 

The Germans also faced resistance in the Northern zone, where Eugene Zintgraff and German troops, led by Von Pavel were defeated several times during the Bafut Wars from 1891-1907. On January 31, 1891, German forces attacked Mankon - an ally of Bafut as a reprisal for the killing of two messengers Zintgraff sent to Bafut to demand ivory. The town of Mankon was burnt down, but from his military headquarters at Mankaha, Fon Abumbi I directed Bafut warriors who ambushed and inflicted heavy losses on the Germans. Although Abumbi eventually fled to Fernando Po after defeat in 1907, Bafut warriors continued the resistance, forcing the Germans to reinstate Abumbi I and negotiate a peace deal, totally independent from the Douala chiefs. Likewise, after facing stiff resistance from the Balis, Zintgraff signed a treaty in 1891 with Fon Fonyongha and in 1912, agreed to pay him an annual 10% of all head-tax revenue collected from the laborers he sent to work on the German plantations.

The Germano-Kom war of July 1904-Feb, 1905 was the result of the refusal by Fon Yu to supply labor and food for construction of the German military station in Bamenda. In response to a request to give one of his daughters to be the mistress of Lt Herr Adametz, the German station commander, Fon Yu instead sent him a bundle of ashes, which in Kom tradition amounted to an invitation to war. The people of Kom finally signed a treaty of friendship in Anyajua between Fon Yu and Commandant Werner in 1905. Elsewhere, the Ba’atum warriors of Esu also resisted the Germans.

This history proves that although there was a territory geographically delimitated as German Kamerun, the morass of onomastic evidence suggests that it was a loose amalgam of contending interests held to obedience by German military conquests and treaties of friendship with different tribes, completely oblivious and independent of each other. From 1884-1916, the Germans signed 95 treaties with various ethnic groups wherein Kings and Chiefs on both sides of the Mungo River, surrendered sovereignty and administration to the Germans, who established their capitals in Buea and Yaoundé. After defeat in WWI, the whole pernicious enterprise of German Kamerun ended. To aver the contrary is not only disingenuous but moronic.

Besides, the “pacification” of the Anglophone tribes west of the Mungo had nothing in common with whatever arrangements existed between the Germans and Francophone chiefs east of the Mungo River. Therefore the one united and indivisible Cameroon is a myth created under the illusion of German Kamerun. The truth is that Southern Cameroons was first British and was only ceded to Germany after the Berlin Conference of 1884. The ridiculous assertion that Southern Cameroons and French Cameroun were part of German Kamerun; hence ought to remain “united” is laughable because German Kamerun as a political entity was a mere geographical contraption and there is no basis for its reconstitution, either in history or international law, as it included several other territories which are now independent nations.

Furthermore, French Cameroun can only treat Southern Cameroons as part of its territory from the former German Kamerun if it can also treat other territories of that German Kamerun (Chad, Central African Republic, Gabon, and former British Northern Cameroon in present day Nigeria) as part of French Cameroun. Even under German rule that lasted a mere 17 years, Southern Cameroons and French Cameroun were never one people; let alone united and indivisible. Let no one tell you otherwise! The one, united and indivisible Cameroon is a hocus pocus of lies that have been told repeatedly, to the point of gaining national acceptance as the truth. The bad faith and lies about unification by French Cameroun is the subject of the next article in this series. 

*Ekinneh Agbaw-Ebai is a Public Intellectual and graduate of Harvard University John F. Kennedy School of Government, where he was Managing Editor of the Harvard Journal of African-American Public Policy. A former Research Analyst for Freedom House, he is a Consultant and lives in Boston, USA. Talk back at ekinneh@yahoo.com

The infamous Patrice Nouma confronts a Ruthless Cameroon Mission’s Treasurer, Kinge Nganje Monono, in Court

"The criminal case was dropped by Mr. Monono because Mr. Nouma does not have any liquidity nor equity (meaning, Mr. Nouma is a poor man) that he could have gone after." JWN

Dear fellow Cameroonians,

ByJackson W. Nanje

Like anyone of you out there, I watched the numerous videos that Patrice Nouma put out on YouTube about the alleged misuse and misappropriation of funds at the Cameroon Mission by the Treasurer, Kinge Monono, and I was very troubled. Troubled that, if these accusations were true, then, Mr. Kinge Nganje Monono deserves to rot in prison. I also concluded that, this Monono fellow is a bad dude. But like any good investigator would do, “verify to believe.” So, it was because of my curiosity that I dispatched the investigators of Nanje School of Creative Thinking to search for the truth. At the end of our investigations we found out that, Mr. Patrice Nouma  (1) is not a truthful man to rely on (2) he had a troubled swindling past (3) that he falsely acquired information that he had no authority over with the aide of a bank accomplice (4) he falsely defamed the Cameroon Mission Treasurer (5) his vicious act caused a breach of trust by the bank (6) he brought negligence charges against the bank even though the charge was dropped later because of the dithering act by the ambassador of the Cameroon Mission, who let the statute of limitations to expire, amongst other charges.

Finally, Patrice Nouma’s lies are beginning to catch up with him. Who is Patrice Nouma and why has he received such enormous notoriety in our community? Has anyone ever thought of subjecting what he puts out in the form of YouTube videos for consumption to any form of scrutiny? That is the journey we want to embark on in this write up. But before we indulge you to read this write-up about how Nouma was brought to submission by Cameroon Mission’s Treasurer, Kinge Nganje Monono in a New Jersey court, we want to oblige you to watch this video impugning his character  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CM4vo2LwsuM&t=35s which has not been disputed by him or asked YouTube retract it.

The investigators of Nanje School of Creative Thinking know too well of flamboyant and great communicators like Patrice Nouma, who have a very dark side. They equally understand that Nouma is a very patriotic Cameroonian who will give up everything to risk his life for good of his country like he portrayed in this video in which he lamented at the dilapidated state of the Cameroon Embassy in Washington D.C   https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dRqgxflprAM We cannot however be lust/lost in his patriotic heroism, to ignore some of his misrepresentations, imperfections and criminal acts on others. And, we cannot also discount the numerous stories told in the first video above as merely an attempt to dent his character. There are numerous verifiable true stories whereby Nouma has been found engaged in deceptive acts in the past. For example, when he told the receptive Cameroon public in 2010 (that’s willing to believe anything that focuses on attacking the CPDM-led government) that Monono was writing checks to Cameroonians indiscriminately during the President’s visit in New York for the United Nation’s Annual General Assembly.  

The reason for this write up however, is to emphasize on the exoneration of the Cameroon Mission’s Treasurer, Kinge Nganje Monono, who sued

Cameroon Mission Treasurer

Kinge Nganje Monono

(https://www.alafnet.com/camerouns-patrice-nouma-dragged-to-us-court/

https://www.alafnet.com/tag/kinge-monono/) Nouma in a New Jersey court recently, for defamation and for illegally obtaining documents from his accomplices (PNC bank of Maryland and its Cameroonian native employee at the bank). The judge rendered a judgment in favor of Cameroon Mission and Monono. What caused the Cameroon Mission Treasurer to drag Mr. Patrice Nouma and the PNC bank to court?

To begin, we want to explain to our readership how the Cameroon Mission functions during the President’s annual visits to New York in September and how Patrice Nouma’s lack of understanding of this process might have led him to misinform his viewers. Before the President travels to New York, a budget of his visit is submitted by the Ministry of Finance to Parliament. That budget is scrutinized during a debate after which, an authorization is given by parliament to the Finance Ministry to disburse that approved sum to the Treasurer of the Cameroon Mission in New York who happens to be Kinge Monono. The Treasurer executes this approved sum as designated by his boss in Yaoundé. For Nouma to subject Monono’s competency for a process he knows nothing about is an example where education has gone acidic. This lack of understanding of Parliamentary Process and Procedure and budgetary allocation is a serious obstacle confronting Nouma. The second issue confronting the inquisitor is criminal in nature. How did Nouma obtain the returned checks written by the Cameroon Mission Treasurer? Could he have passed through the Mission’s ambassador? Did the PNC bank violate its fiduciary (trust) responsibility? Was there an accomplice working for the bank who could have illegally given these checks to Mr. Nouma? These are the questions upon which shall be answered.

It is important for the public to know that the Treasurer of the Cameroon Mission is the only authorized signatory to the Cameroon Mission’s bank account. It is not if this is the case, it is the case. Now that we have established this to be the case let us ask the following questions:

a.    How then did Mr. Nouma get those numerous returned checks that the Treasurer had written to the approved individuals which he brandished on his YouTube videos? We know that his end game was to embarrass the Treasurer nonetheless, by exposing these returned checks to the public.

b.    Since the returned Checks were given to Nouma who has no relational relationship with the Cameroon Mission by an employee of the PNC bank, a branch on 4749 Sangamore Road, Bethesda Maryland. Who could be that employee and what could have been his/her motive?

c.     The other question points directly to the Cameroon Mission’s ambassador, Tommo Monthe. How come checks written to him by the Treasurer to pay out certain invited groups were not included in the videos brandished by Nouma even as we are aware that Nouma had met with him privately to discuss the Treasurer’s bank related activities oblivious of the fact that those activities were sanctioned by Cameroon government and Monono was just the executioner?

d.    When Ambassador Tommo Monthe summoned the Treasurer to discuss Nouma’s submissions to him, why was he complacent about the Treasurer’s request to provide the checks that Nouma had given him? Why did he refuse to write an authorization letter that the bank had requested of the Treasurer to get the information that he needed to pursue the perpetrators?

e.    And even when the Treasurer informed the Minister of Finance of the breach of trust by the bank and ordered the ambassador to write a letter that would enable the Treasurer to pursue the culprits as requested by the bank, why did the ambassador ignore to write the letter?

f.     Could it have been also that the Treasurer’s secretaries were the ones feeding Nouma with the information to destroy or blackmail him?

g.    Was the ambassador aiding and abating Nouma to destroy the Treasurer?

h.    What was the purpose of pursuing the Treasurer who was merely executing his duty as Chief Financial Officer at the Cameroon Mission?

These are a few of the questions that the investigators of Nanje School of Creative Thinking must unravel, to get to the truth about Nouma’s inconsequential escapades. This report is a product of a long interview we had with Kinge Monono and we also used the court transcripts (which are public documents), to determine the opinion of Patrice Nouma and the PNC bank rather than speaking to them directly. The court transcripts shall show word verbatim what Nouma told the judge as his utterances are accurately transcribed by the Court Registrar. And because we have a duty to accurately report our findings to our readership, we have attached these documents as part of this report. But for now, let us attempt to trace the genesis of Nouma’s beef with the Treasurer.

Cameroon Mission

Ambassador, Tommo Monthe

In 2010, in his attempt to impress his viewership and shame Monono and the Cameroon government, Nouma who lives in New York, traveled across the neighboring state (Bethesda, Maryland), to pay and obtain Cameroon Mission’s returned checks from a PNC bank employee, Henriette Akamba Akono, a Cameroonian-born, who has since been fired by the bank for a breach of trust. These checks, illegally obtained, were foolishly brandished on his YouTube channel and the content for which those checks were written to the respective recipients misrepresented by Nouma. His goal here was to defame Kinge Monono and to shame the Cameroon government. And the reason why this case has dragged on for seven (7) years is because of administrative delays by the ambassador, His Excellency Tommo Monthe. The ambassador, for some strange reason, completely refused to provide Monono a letter which PNC bank had requested of him before they could disclose the identity of Nouma’s fugitive accomplice who had provided him copies of the Mission’s returned checks, which is clearly a criminal offense. Why did the ambassador refuse to provide an mere authorization letter to the only authorized signatory to the Mission’s account? Remember that the Cameroon Mission’s ambassador is the boss of the Cameroon Mission who supervises the Treasurer’s activities as well.

After the Cameroon Mission Treasurer uncovered that someone order than him had requested information from the PNC bank Maryland branch, he traveled to Maryland to get more information from the bank manager of the branch. It was upon his arrival at the bank that he was told to present an authorization from the Cameroon Mission ambassador before accessing records at that branch. After establishing that a breach of trust by the bank had occurred, his lawyer had advised him---that---the bank will be sued for negligence. But first, the letter from the ambassador was a precursor to establishing a negligence lawsuit. The Treasurer excitingly drove back to New York to get the letter from the ambassador, but he resisted to furnish him with the letter. Why did the ambassador not provide the Treasurer the letter upon request? The Treasurer then reported the issue to the Minister of Finance who ordered the ambassador to issue the letter to enable the Treasurer to pursue those who were involved in enabling the transaction. Yet

Nouma's PNC Bank Agent

Henriette Akamba Akono

again, he accepted the minister’s request but still resisted issuing the letter. The negligence and breach of trust by the PNC bank started in 2010 and the statute of limitations to sue for negligence is four (4) years in New Jersey. It was only in 2017 that the ambassador issued the letter to the Treasurer to take to the bank, three (3) years after the expiration of the statute of limitations. The statute of limitations (it’s the moment at which the plaintiff has a basis to sue) to sue for negligence had expired and the fugitive bank employee, Henriette Akamba Akono, had been fired by the bank. This begs the question: was Ambassador Tommo an accomplice to the scheme to bring down the impeccable Cameroon Mission Treasurer? Or was he stalling to prevent a lawsuit against his very good friend, Patrice Nouma? Even as there is so much that could be inferred from the ambassador’s obstructionist act, the investigators of Nanje School of Creative Thinking believe that there is some degree of collusion (conspiracy) between Ambassador Tommo and Nouma against the Treasurer.

Obstructionist standing in his way by way of the ambassador to uncover the truth,

Agent Provocateur

Patrice Nouma

the Treasurer went forward with the lawsuit against the PNC bank and Patrice Nouma. The issue in contention here is, how did Patrice Nouma gain access to the state’s account when he was not a state employee and why did the bank grant him access when it is clearly stated that only Kinge Monono had access to the account? Clearly, the PNC bank, where the Treasurer opened the account in New Jersey had established that, the checks were given to Patrice Nouma by an employee whose name they could not reveal at that bank branch. He traveled to Maryland in his attempt to unmask who was behind the fraudulent activity. Mr. Patrice Nouma got the name of Cameroon Mission’s bank account presumably from his friend, the ambassador or from her fugitive bank friend, Henriette Akono. It was Ms. Akono who embarked on the criminal act, clearly in violation of the bank’s internal policies, to access the Mission’s account which she provided to Patrice Nouma with the returned checks.

We have now established that, it is because Patrice Nouma illegally and fraudulently obtained information from the bank that caused the Treasurer to sue him in court. And judgement was rendered against Patrice Nouma in favor of Kinge Nganje Monono. This judgement against Patrice Nouma is the first, and I am sure they could be many more but nobody before Mr. Monono has ever dragged him in court. As part of the judgement, Mr. Monono accepted a plea bargain suggested by Mr. Nouma’s attorney which was, to remove all the YouTube untruthful videos against Mr. Monono. The criminal case was dropped by Mr. Monono because Mr. Nouma does not have any liquidity nor equity (meaning, Mr. Nouma is a poor man) that he could have gone after. The lawsuit has not ended with Mr. Nouma’s plea bargain; the Cameroon Mission Treasurer still has another day in court with the bank, which he is suing for a breach of trust because of the malicious act of its  employee who coerced into giving out private information to an unauthorized individual, Mr. Patrice Nouma. 

The Mystical Elitism and Power Play in Cameroon

Attorney at Law Wilson Ngoh

The  current Anglophone struggle, protest, uprising  or strike, call it what you may choose to, affecting former  British Southern Cameroon, initiated by the Cameroon Common Law Bar  and Teachers’ Syndicates of the English-speaking Cameroon has without doubt shaken the foundation of our very existence and has exposed the supposedly 'unity and solidarity" of our country.

It has also exposed the vulnerability of, and created visible fault lines in President Biya’s governing structures. It has revived the ashes of history and pricked our collective sub consciousness, to embolden us and, to give us expression in topics which hitherto were considered taboos.  It has redefined and reshaped the concept of State Power. It has equally changed the perception on how we view each other vis-à-vis in this fragile union between the French-speaking and English-speaking Cameroonians.

For more than 30 years President Biya has effectively maintained his grip on power, commanding almost a godly-like respect from the people amidst mind-boggling corruption, rising youths’ unemployment, poor infrastructures, executive arrogance, abuse of human rights and marginalization of the English-speaking folks, ingredients that undoubtedly in other countries would have easily provoked a revolt or a civil strife before now.

                      How is Biya managing it?

The question asked in another way is, how has he been able to pull this power-grip off? This is what this paper seeks to accomplish and how it correlates with the Anglophone crisis? The Cameroon political landscape is a complex vertical structure of power consisting:
The president (the puppets’ master)
The elite (many tiny puppets)
The ‘grass rooters’ (includes the ordinary citizens.)

In a normal democracy, you have the government (president) and the people.
This mean there is a free flow of communication, access and contact between the president and the masses. The people own the system and hold the government to account. Since we do not operate in a normal democracy, there is an opaque and seemingly isolatable wall between the president and the masses superfluously created by the regime, making it impossible for the people to communion or inter-face with their government. And this has been a policy strategy, enforced and maintained by personality cult and it has invariable given rise to the monster of elitism in our body polity.

This monster called Elitism operates and thrives on a diabolic system of political patronage, deeply anchored on hand-outs, blackmail, backdoor political appointments, backstabbing to win favors, mind control, greed, manipulation, sycophancy and racketeering, which the end game is self-survival. The monster of elitism is made up of tiny puppets called elite, drawn from all the regions of Cameroon to bind together with the conviction that, their survival and interest is paramount to the collective interest of the masses. It is this group that has rushed in and occupied the gap between the people and the president, pretentiously acting as a bridge and message-bearers between the people and the president. Their common denominators are their affluence, flashy cars and ostentatious lifestyle which does not impress the common man on the street.

                              Elitism Politics in Cameroon

Permit me to advance some definitions of ELITISM.
According to Wikipedia, elitism ‘is the belief or altitude that individuals who form an elite –a select group of people with certain ancestry, intrinsic quality or worth, high  intellect, wealth, specialized training or experience or other distinctive attributes, are those whose influence or authority is greater than others’

And Dictionary.com defines elitism/elite as, ‘in political and sociological theory, for a small group of powerful people that controls a disproportionate amount of wealth, privilege or political powers in the society’ The term originates from Latin (meaning to choose or elect). Being an elect is underpinned by the elitist belief that government should be by a self-appointed group who are considered superior to others by their higher birth or material possession rather than it being for, by and of the people.

In all these definitions, a few elements run across power, wealth and control for selfish interest. It is this belief which makes the concept of ELITISM dangerous and which should be castigated and suppressed in our body polity and not the fact of being an elite itself. This paper is not a punk on the elite class, as there is nothing wrong with being elite. I consider myself as elite.

Throughout history leadership has evolved from the elite class to the larger society. Leadership role is a vocation for the elite. So, Elite per se is not under condemnation here; but when the elite become greedy and self-conceited thereby failing in their role of providing positive leadership for the masses (leadership that solves societal problems), then, we should all rise in good faith to condemn them.

In our country, because of the easy access that this exclusive group has to pilferage the wealth of our nation, belonging there has become a full-time career for many. Unconditional support is what is needed to the president and to these chaps, the president is elevated to the statute of a demi-god, so that the fear of the president is the beginning of wisdom or, is paramount.

The concept of elitism is almost assuming the coloration of a cult, since they control everything in the polity and practically decides who gets what, when and how. While only the scrums trickle down to the masses, this has made the race to become elite to remain elite almost a deadly one since only a few are admitted. This system has effectively acted as a shock absorber, in diffusing stress and tension in the system and continue to guarantee grass root support for the president, bearing in mind that tribalism is rift in our veins as Cameroonians, this system seeks to promote same.

Since our dear president does not inter-face or interact with the citizens except on very rear televised speeches and does not campaign during national elections, the Elite class as a necessity does campaigning for the president. And when this happens, they become the only gate way for the masses to see or hear from the president. I must admit that the elite have effectively played their role as it pertains to calming down the tension within the system. Some instances to be mentioned are: in the 90s they were able to reverse the rising tide of SDF populism. In 2008, the diffused the tension following the general strike. They have practically given the president victory in all elections that he has participated logically so, since the elite does the campaigns for the president.
      
On their part, the incredulous masses have remained loyal and respectful to their elite class, almost always clinging piously to their every word as the gospel truth. And since Yaoundé is the seat of power where the national cake is shared, it seems too distant away from the common man. With all these mysteries and myths, it becomes imperative that every region is hooked to this idea that, only the elite class, with their experience, supposed intellect and exposure can go on board, withstand the heat of the kitchen, grab their own share of the cake and bring it down to them for equal distribution.

Over time the people pin much hope on these elites, but as time goes by the masses never saw what is rightfully theirs. The elites with their predatory instinct have been preying on the gullibility of their prey (the masses) and have fed them with lies, false hope and vain promises that has never materialized while ignoring the genuine cries of the people, promising to channel the people’s complaints to the right quarters. Truth is that, most of these elites the people depend on have never gone beyond the first gate of the presidency. In as much as I begrudge the altitude of the elites, I must take a pause here to acknowledge their ingenuity in keeping the frustration and anger of the masses in cheek from reaching boiling point. Their ability to make the masses to make reason and understanding even in the most ridiculous and incomprehensible situations, is unquestionably unquestionable.

-To understand why some of them have never seen even a meter of tarred road in their area since independence.
-Why they are made to pay as much 2500 FRS as transport fare for five kilometer distance due to bad roads.
-To understand why petrol is oozing out from their soil but don’t have a single pump station
-To understand why their children don’t have jobs.
-To understand why some of their children study under terrible conditions due to the lack thereof of classrooms.
-To understand while there is so much waste in the system why many go hungry.
-To understand why there is unchecked and institutionalized corruption.

  The Anglophone crisis poses another test for the elite. As the crisis escalates in scale and scope and snowball from a syndicate issue into a national crisis. President Biya once again rely on his elite class to quench the fire in the house rather than to talk directly to the people and profiling an acceptable solution for the country. These elite group went full swing into action, starting by outright denial of the existence of the Anglophone problem. That effort hits the rock bottom, the elite re-strategized, then tried negotiation but that too failed.
They equally tried to stem the rising tide of the tension by beaten down the strike. But here too they met their waterloo. With their tails in-between their legs, they resulted to applying the force of intimidations, it is only then that the elite class realized that something greater than the ant has entered the ant hole. By not harkening to the voice of the elite class for the first time, the masses are just beginning to tear down the walls of elitism that has being a major problem in our body polity. It likens to the scenario where ‘the falcon can no longer bear or listen to the falconer.’
      
As the house of cards begin to crumble under the crushing anger of the masses, Biya has to look for a new model of communication to pass his message to the people, first for the good of the country and secondly, for his own survival. It must be emphasized that the lack of effective and direct communication is at the heart of this crisis. you hear it echoed from many different quarters that the president’s collaborators are not telling him the truth in respect to what is going on in a country he has been president for close to forty (40) years. Should this be true, then, there is an urgent need for the him (the president) to step down from his comfort zone and meet and discuss with the people directly. For the old system of elitism has failed this country and no longer sustainable in the long run. Or may he consider resignation for the good of his country?


 Wilson Lobe Ngoh is an Attorney at Law in Kumba, Meme Division in the South West Region of Cameroon. He could be reached @ lobengoh@yahoo.com